Thursday, December 25, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 3 - More Bad News

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Mira was waiting for him at the dock when his ship arrived in New York Harbor on Sunday, October 20, 1929.(18) He had been away for two months but, as he told one friend, it seemed as if the trip to Poland had taken 10 years off of his life. And other than Mira—whom he had missed a lot and felt happy to hug once again—what he found greeting him was an abundance of bad news. 

On his desk, among the pieces of accumulated mail, was a letter from Sergei A. Vasiliev (who lived in New York City) telling of the death of his father, A. V. Vasiliev on October 6 in Moscow. Alfred felt deeply perturbed by the news. He had never met the older Vasiliev in person. But during the time of their five-year correspondence, he had developed a feeling of closeness to the Russian mathematician, who encouraged his work and inspired him with his broad, humanistic outlook. Korzybski, who had served as a conduit of communication between Vasiliev and U.S. mathematicians, informed friends who knew of or who had met Vasiliev, such as Cajori, Karpinski, and Rainich, among others. James McKeen Cattell, editor of Science, asked Korzybski to write Vasiliev's obituary, which was published in the December 20, 1929 issue.The opening of that piece indicates some of the main values Vasiliev exemplified for Korzybski—values that Korzybski aspired to for himself:
In the passing of A. V. Vasiliev in Moscow, Russia, the world has lost one of its great scientists, great teachers, great men. To be a great scientist is one thing; to be a great scientist and a great teacher is quite another. A great teacher must ingest, digest and evaluate the works of others in many lines in order to give broad, judicial and interesting selections to students. To be at once a great scientist, a great teacher and a great man is still different—it is all too rare a combination. Besides the requisites for the first two, individual synthesis, a broad human vision and interest, effective and energetic enough to be an inspiration and guide for living and acting, are essential. A unique combination of these characteristics made the life of Vasiliev a memorable and most useful one....(19) 

Another loss had occurred four days before Alfred’s arrival. On October 16, Alfred and Mira’s friend Edwin E. Slosson, first editor of Science News and first director of the Science Service, died suddenly of a heart attack. He too had become a supporter of Korzybski’s work. And he had been charmed by Mira. He would be missed by both of them.

Four days after Alfred arrived home came more bad news—the stock market ‘crashed’ on October 24. The day became known in history as “Black Thursday.” Five days later—on what became known as “Black Tuesday”—economic panic ensued throughout the United States. The Great Depression had arrived—not the most propitious of times to publish the kind of book Alfred and Mira were producing.

As for the book—Mira and Russell Maddren had been very busy with it. More unwelcome news, since both of them—unquestionably strong supporters of his work—had various complaints. Maddren, now back in Europe, had left notes and was also writing letters with what Alfred considered facetious and not very helpful comments, more or less picking at words. At least Mira’s criticism seemed more serious. She had taken an extra copy of the manuscript and worked it over—cutting it up, rearranging and rewriting it. Alfred felt glad she had spent the time getting familiar with it but he felt frustrated by her criticism too.

She considered it “rotten”, “unclear”, “muddled”; he “was not true” to himself. Both Mira and Maddren seemed to have misunderstood or missed key points in his writing. As he told David Fairchild more than a year later:
I was in a very peculiar situation, I was urged dramatically by Mira to rewrite the book, which I knew I could not do, and yet I had full evidence that if my book is misunderstood to such an extent, there must be something wrong with the presentation. Under such whipping I began to think hard and struggle with ideas, formulations and myself. To save my neck I could not see how I can improve it. (20) 

Alfred brooded. In mid-November, he wrote to Sally Avery:
Mira expects to go to Florida in January and so we are working both like hell on the revision of the MS. which means having it spread all over the place, all card tables (3) boxes shelves etc spread and no place to move or write. The main problem is the rearrangement of material, which is a messy thing and requires space and extremely close attention. I really have no head for anything now neither do I go out for a week at a time. (21) 

He spent the next few months ‘delousing’ the manuscript, i.e., rearranging it, cutting some repetitions, and polishing the English. He also wrote the new chapters he had planned on Pavlov’s conditional reflexes and on colloids. He saw these as addenda, which however necessary didn’t supply anything fundamental to his non-aristotelian system. With the new year and new decade, he was still looking for some quality of underlying importance—he didn’t know what—that could supply the continuity he felt but that Mira and Maddren hadn’t seen.

Given his preference for a quiet setting, in December he had an unwelcome new set of distractions to make his work more difficult. His sister-in-law Amy drove from Kansas City to stay with them in their studio apartment. The two sisters soon got very busy with a major sewing project (probably to help Mira re-do her wardrobe since she had remained rather thin since her illness). Mira found comfort in Amy’s presence. Though Alfred much preferred being alone with his wife he had to make the best of things. So he chivalrously slept on the sofa under the skylight while Amy slept with Mira in their bed. To reduce his getting disturbed by the two women during the day, he put up a curtain to separate his corner desk from the rest of the apartment.

The three of them would soon have to get busy preparing for a two-week exhibition Mira was giving at the Junior League starting January 6. He described what they did to Sally Avery:
We had a hell of work at hand with Mira’s exhibition, we had to redowel the frames, do a lot of carpentering and finally the packing, transportation and hanging up is always a very tiresome procedure. We finished all of that yesterday were tired to death and today my sister in law and I rest and poor Mira has to be polite at the Junior League. Imagine being polite for two weeks, that’s a terrible job. (22) 

Though business had been poor lately there was an outside chance she might get some local commissions and stay in Brooklyn to work. Otherwise, she and Amy would drive down to Palm Beach, Florida where she might have better luck getting portrait commissions amongst the wealthy, wintering, northern sun-seekers there.

The year had ended with more bad news when Alfred and Mira learned—probably from an article in the December 27 New York Times—of their friend Tennessee Anderson’s unexpected death. They had visited her only months before. Another intimation of mortality. He was now on the far side of 50. Korzybski knew—if anyone did— that “all flesh is grass.” The draft was done but the book was far from ready. If he was going to get it out before he died, he had to grind on. On the next to last day of 1929, Alfred wrote to Keyser:
We as usually have little news besides working very hard. The d…d book is supposedly finished but I still have some revisions and rearrangements to make. Mira read it several times and criticized a lot, wanting it to be ‘perfect’ and satisfy everybody. It was hard on me, as she asked the impossible. By now she begins to see that. I am already compiling the bibliography and an index in the rough without giving the pages of my book. (23)

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
18. AK to the Gravens, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.314; AK to Sally Avery, 10/23/1929. AKDA 22.372. 

19. “Alexander Vasilievitch Vasiliev (July 2, 1853–October 6, 1929)”. Science, December 20, 1929, Vol. LXX, No. 1825, pp. 599–600. Reprinted in Alfred Korzybski Collected Writings, p. 157–158. 

20. AK to David Fairchild, 10/28/1931. AKDA 23.449. 

21. AK to Sally Avery, 11/15/1929. AKDA 22.392. 

22. AK to Sally Avery, 1/6/1930. AKDA 22.448. 

23. AK to C. J. Keyser, 12/30/1929. AKDA 22.443



Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 2 - The Congress of Mathematicians of Slavic Countries

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Korzybski’s attendance at the Congress of Mathematicians of Slavic Countries must have given him welcome relief from these woes. The Congress was held at his old school, the Warsaw Polytechnic. He was given half an hour of conference time to give a presentation. He spoke in Polish to an audience of from 40 to 50 people on his “Niearystotelesowy System”(8), which he considered a very clear outline of his work. He tried to get the audience to laugh as much as possible. Some of it seemed to him like confused laughter, but on the whole, as he wrote to Keyser, “It [the presentation] was received well and with interest, whatever that means.”(9) For him the main point of that kind of conference, as he later pointed out, was not in any presentation. Rather it was in the opportunity to meet people and make connections. And, among others, Korzybski met many of the leading lights of the Polish ‘school’ of mathematical logic and analytical philosophy. 
Korzybski (second row of chairs from left, third from right of row)
at the Mathematical 
Congress of the Slavic Countries in Warsaw, Poland, 1929.
Photo courtesy of Robert P. Pula 

One of these was Leon Chwistek, with whom he chatted during the conference. An accomplished painter and literary critic as well as a philosopher and mathematician, he appeared to Korzybski at the time as somewhat eccentric. He delivered his paper dead drunk. A lecturer in mathematics at the University of Krakow, he was among the first to talk about “semantics” in relation to mathematics. What Chwistek intended had more to do with technical considerations of logical syntax than of ‘meanings’, reference, etc. (Chwistek’s paper in Polish, entitled “Semantyczna metoda calkowania” in the Congress program, was translated into French for the Congress proceedings as “Une méthode métamathématique d’analyse”.) (10) But Chwistek’s attempt to revamp Russell’s theory of types struck a chord with Alfred. After Korzybski returned to the U.S., the two men corresponded for several years. Chwistek apparently didn’t think much of Korzybski’s non-elementalistic attempt to develop training for sanity from physico-mathematical methods. However, it was probably through the influence of Chwistek that Korzybski began to use the term “semantic(s)” in relation to his own work, although in a different sense than how Chwistek used the term.

Korzybski also met the logicians Jan Lukasiewicz and Stanislaw Lesniewski, who did not speak at the Congress, and their younger colleague, Alfred Tarski, who presented two papers. These three men had a central place in the mathematical, “formalist” wing of Polish analytical philosophy. “Extreme rebels” against ordinary language, they considered it entirely unsuitable for “the unambiguous formulation of their ideas.”(11) Instead they used mathematical logic to build new forms of logic in a highly technical and abstract symbolism. 

Korzybski certainly had an interest in what they were doing (he would make direct reference to their work in his book). In particular, he noted Lukasiewicz’s and Tarski’s development of three-valued and many-valued logic as an important non-aristotelian advance. But Korzybski, whose earlier writings had emphasized the need for a new logic for science and life, was coming to see ‘logic’ per se—even this new logic—as elementalistic, i.e., too isolated from the living reactions of 
Smith1, Smith2, etc., to remain a major focus of interest for him. (He didn’t denigrate its formal value.) Thus the Polish mathematical logicians, whose work he had only just encountered, had little direct influence on Korzybski’s formulating.

Korzybski’s work appears closer in intent to that of Tadeusz Kotarbinski and Kaszimierz Ajdukiewicz, Polish analytical philosophers of his time who were also interested in the interrelated problems of scientific knowledge, language, and method. In their general approach to language, all three men could be viewed as linguistic “reformists” according to the classification set forth in Henryk Skolimowski’s book Polish Analytical Philosophy. Unlike the more mathematically-focused formalists, reformists qualified as “moderate rebels” against ordinary language: “The moderate rebels do not condemn ordinary language entirely but only reshape it according to their needs.”(12) 

Korzybski’s formulating was not influenced in any significant way by the Polish reformists either, although he at least definitely knew of Kotarbinski’s work.(13) Korzybski had developed his own views independently of his Polish colleagues. “It is quite clear,” as Skolimowski pointed out, “that a number of other philosophers can be classified as reformists. One might even risk a thesis that most of the philosophers of the past were reformists; under the guise of ordinary language, they were in fact shaping their own languages to fit their philosophies.”(14) Korzybski would surely agree with this. In his book he would openly state that “...a language, any language, has at its bottom certain metaphysics, which ascribe, consciously or unconsciously, some sort of structure to this world.”(15) For him, perhaps the main achievement of any significant formulational advance consisted of the language it was stated in.

What then distinguished Korzybski’s reformist program from these others? If everyday language had some metaphysics at its bottom, he wanted that metaphysics to reflect the most reliable up-to-date picture of the world humans had achieved. From this came his need to make a methodologically-oriented synthesis of the sciences of his time. The linguistic revision he was using and advocating in the book (a work still in progress) could help readers to reshape their everyday language and related evaluations in terms of this up-to-date scientific ‘metaphysics’ (basic structural assumptions about the world). Korzybski’s linguistic revision had a physico-mathematical basis without literally requiring one to talk in mathematical formulas. His emphasis on application to individual personal adjustment and sanity gave a unique practical thrust to his reformist program. It brought his work closer to everyday life than the work of many, if not most, other philosophers. Indeed, Korzybski didn’t see what he was doing as philosophy (although he didn’t mind calling it “an up-to-date epistemology.”(16) Scientific in intent, his general theory had serious applications for ‘mental’ hygiene as well as scientific formulating, which he wanted to have empirically tested.

British mathematician W. H. Young, President of the International Mathematical Union, was the special honored guest of the Congress and seemed taken with Korzybski’s program. Young, a big-bearded and energetic man about Keyser’s age, seemed somewhat like a fish out of water at the Congress since he didn’t speak Polish. He may have fallen on Korzybski’s company out of desperation for someone to talk to in English. But he also seemed genuinely interested in Korzybski’s combination of mathematics and psychiatry. After hours, Alfred showed him around Warsaw, including a visit to a famous, old mead cellar (a drinking establishment serving the fermented honey drink as its specialty). The mead didn’t taste very good but the two men made a connection and corresponded for some years afterwards.

Korzybski’s time with Young turned out to be the high point of his visit to Poland. He had found his visit ‘home’ almost unremittingly depressing. He left Warsaw for Danzig on October 2, left Danzig on October 4, and about 4 days later, arrived in London.

While waiting for his ship the R.M.S. “Carmonia”, which would leave for New York on October 12, he had time for more sightseeing:
…visiting different houses, oh, old stuff, and curiously enough the Tower of London, And it sounds so funny, you know, to sit on a bench, stone bench, in the Tower of London [The Chapel Royal of St. Peter ad Vincula] and behind you just two feet away is a beheaded Queen of England buried...Anne Boleyn…And I was so thrilled that I landed at the head of the London Tower because I was thinking then how the old masters of England would feel about [my work] and how in a hurry they would put me in the Tower of London. Just irony. …that fortress is one of the oldest in Europe. Of course, I enjoyed looking at all those old buildings because I enjoyed seeing big hunks of wood where they used to do the beheading [in a small, paved area just outside the Chapel]. Looks so funny, you know, in modern days to see that old barbarian stuff. I had quite a few conversations in London with some important men who were interested in Manhood. Then I came back, also from the Tower, with the same kind of trip back to New York.(17) 
Korzybski in London, 1929 


Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
8. Korzybski, Notes in Polish for his talk at 1929 Congress of Mathematicians in Warsaw. AKDA 34.845 

9. AK to C. J. Keyser, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.316. 

10. Congress Program. AKDA 34.833; McCall, p. 391. 

11. Skolimowski, pp. 173, 175. 

12. Ibid., pp. 173–174. 

13. Korzybski 1947, p. 274. 

14. Skolimowski, p. 175–176.

15. Korzybski 1994 (1933), p. 89. 

16. Ibid., p. 554. 

17. Korzybski 1947, p. 279.



< Part 1      Part 3 >


Monday, December 22, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 1 - Introduction

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

After almost 15 years away, Alfred decided to make a short trip to Poland. He was concerned about his mother and the family business. His correspondence with her, as well as with friends and relatives in Poland, held discouraging news. While Mira and Maddren continued to work on the manuscript, the time seemed right to scout the situation and see what he and Mira would be getting into when they returned to live there. Alfred and Mira had postponed their move to Poland so many times, one could easily be excused for doubting their desire to return. But they had always planned, and still intended, to do so.

He left New York City on the R.M.S. “Caronia” on August 16. In his trunk, he had his deluxe presentation anthropometer. He surely had read this announcement in his July-August copy of the Bulletin of The American Mathematical Society: “A Congress of Mathematicians of the Slavic Countries will be held at Warsaw, September 23–27, 1929, under the auspices of the head of the Polish government. Professor W. Sierpinski, of the University of Warsaw, is president of the executive committee of the Congress.”(1) Since Alfred was going to be in Warsaw anyway, he would try to attend the Congress and give a lecture on his work, although it was already too late to submit a paper.

The trip across the ocean lasted some seven days. He spent about a week more in London waiting for the boat that would take him to Danzig. In the meantime, he looked up his friend C.K. Ogden. Korzybski recounted, “Ogden took very good care of me in showing me London and all the curiosities.”(2) (I fantasize being in the next booth in a London pub listening to the two polymaths chatting over their pints.) In his short time there, Korzybski also managed to visit some of the old English castles around London.

Peace, if not quiet, prevailed in the port of Danzig when Korzybski arrived there on Tuesday morning, September 3, 1929, after four days on a steamer from London. He didn’t want to get into Warsaw at night, so he spent the day wandering around the town and then took a night train to Warsaw, eight hours away.

Helena Korzybska was waiting at the station with her property manager when Alfred’s train pulled into the station at 7:00 the next morning. She cried when she saw him. Alfred felt restrained, even detached. As he wrote to Mira the following day, “…she tried to do a lot of kissing but I was somehow less of the kissing kind.” The manager took care of the suitcases and trunk and the three of them took a taxi to the apartment house on 66 Wilcza Street:
Three servants were waiting at the door and then started the kissing of the hand. I was forewarned that I have to submit myself to it. I did. Women wanted to carry the big heavy suitcase. I did not let them do it but said that the janitor should do it…Mother prepared for me the parlor, so I will be fairly comfortable. She has four rooms and the furniture of her 4 rooms and my furniture of four rooms so it is terribly crowded. I recognize of course all my things. The servants are fairly long time, the maid is 3 or four years, she had already one baby at my mother’s place, which mother took care of until it died, the manager is 9 years. The other are the janitors but we have not much contact with them. The manager is a kind of a better but no good butler. They all seem fairly good…the girl seems to be really good extremely hard worker and very honest, scolds the manager for mother and scolds everybody except mother. The manager, it is too early to talk. It seems that since I came everybody begins to [behave] better, and a new spirit has entered in all of them. I behave as a family physician, am extremely quiet, and studying, have no special emotions at all. (3)

Except for her gray hair, Helena Korzybska—then in her early seventies—looked much as Alfred had remembered her. He seemed to have first expected to find her physically ill but after a few days he wrote to Mira that she appeared quite healthy (although he did note she tended to catch cold easily and currently had an inflammation in her vocal cords affecting her speech). Otherwise she seemed even more energetic than Mira’s older sisters, who were younger than Helena. However, although he could see improvement in some ways, Alfred found his mother at least as difficult to deal with as he had found her before he left Poland:
She has changed a great deal in the favorable way, “adjustment to reality” which has been pounded into her for so many years [by Alfred in his letters to her?], yet she is as impossibly aggressive as ever and she only matters and her will has any value, her opinion is only right etc. When these things have nothing to do with “reality”. (4) 

He had a word for the behavior of hers he found so problematic—also the term he had used to summarize what he considered Mira’s ‘bad’ habits—“infantile”. In addition, her memory seemed poor. Her meticulous standards of cleanliness had dropped (the dust in the apartment seemed considerable). At this point, she seemed incapable of adequately managing her affairs. Indeed, as he had noted to Mira, there seemed around his mother “...a kind of anarchy, the usual wealthy-poor old woman and everybody trying to get something from such a person left entirely alone.” (5) 

The manager seemed of little help in getting her business straightened out. Alfred found him crude, uneducated, and incompetent. He even owed money to Alfred’s mother. Then there was Alfred’s sister, whom he probably saw more than once during his trip. He had had little contact with her even when he lived in Poland, and now after so many years she seemed like a somehow familiar stranger—a nervous wreck, suspicious of her brother’s intent, though apparently unable to do much herself to help their mother manage the family property.

The property was what remained of the family fortune—about 3/4 of which, he estimated, had been lost as a result of the war. His mother still owned the building on Wilcza Street, some property in suburbs outside of Warsaw, as well as the country estate at Rudnik, where buildings had been destroyed and then rebuilt. Alfred spent three days there and it looked surprisingly good to him, given that it had served as one of the battlegrounds of World War I. As he wrote to Mira, “It looks very cheerful and the trees have grown rather large. It needs money and work and it would be a splendid thing.”(6) At this point none of the property was providing an adequate income. For example, Alfred discovered that while housing was scarce in Warsaw, the government rent control laws limited what his mother could legally collect from her tenants. As a consequence many tenants sublet their apartments to others for exorbitant prices. They were making a profit on their apartments while his mother, the owner, was losing money.

Still, many Polish families had been completely ruined in the war. The Korzybskis at least had something left. Helena wanted Alfred to stay. Korzybski realized he could probably straighten out the mess of family business in about a year. But he couldn’t do it now. He had formulated his work in American English (or his unique version of it) and he wasn’t willing to move to Poland before the book was published. He and Mira had to get the book into print and make a little money first. He hoped they could do that quickly. Then they would come to Poland, and he could sort out the family business—keeping Mother at arm’s length, of course—and get himself established. He could see his work was needed just as much, if not more, in Poland as in the U.S. and he felt confident he would be able to find teaching opportunities. He was getting comfortable speaking Polish again and—preparing for his talk at the Mathematics Congress later in the month—even speaking in Polish about his work.

However, in the meantime, he began looking for some way to provide ‘insurance’ for what he felt was his stake in the family property. He and Mira had given Helena considerable money over the last few years—around 5,000 dollars. Alfred realized Polish law allowed them to consolidate these funds as a loan to give his mother what amounted to a second mortgage. The mortgage document, known as a “hypothec”, would give them some rights in relation to the house on 66 Wilcza. As holders of this “hypothec”, they would have precedence for either purchasing the house or being paid back as creditors whenever the house was sold.

Over the next few years, this may have turned out to be useful. First, Helena married her manager, thus throwing into doubt what Alfred and his sister might inherit when their mother died. Helena also defaulted on her interest payments to the Polish bank that held her first mortgage. At the end of 1932, 66 Wilcza was put up for auction. It’s not clear whether Korzybski was able to use his mortgage to prevent the house from being sold at that time, although he had lawyers in Warsaw working for him. But at any rate, probably as a result of his foresight, his mother was able to continue living there. After she died in 1937, the amount of Alfred and Mira’s mortgage was paid to them out of the sale of 66 Wilcza. This money was deposited for them in a Polish Bank. However, they were unable to collect their money before the German invasion of Poland in September 1939.

After World War II, Korzybski inquired about recovering this money as well as getting compensation for other property he might have inherited. But the destruction of records and the difficulties in dealing with the new Stalinist regime in Poland made getting useful information almost impossible. Most of his friends, including his lawyer, were dead. He never learned what happened to his sister. Alfred had a considerable amount of furniture and other personal belongings he had left in his mother’s place at 66 Wilcza (including the beautiful anthropometer he had brought with him on the 1929 trip). After the war, he assumed that the manager who had married Mother had whatever was left of the estate. All that loss was to come. In 1929, it seemed like a good idea to arrange the mortgage. Before he returned to America he got his mother to sign the necessary documents.

His mother’s condition, that of his sister, and the state of the family business seemed dismal enough. The state of more distant family and friends appeared no cheerier. Indeed, observing his countrymen on the streets, in their homes, and other places he visited, Poland in general seemed like a very sad place. A line he remembered from Zygmunt Krasinski’s work Iridion seemed to fit what he saw in Warsaw—a city filled with “children who cannot smile”. On September 29, near the end of his stay, he wrote to Keyser:
Dear dear Old Man,  
I had such a hectic time day and night that outside of postcards I had no time or head to write. The Poles have done actual miracles and simply I do not understand how they have succeeded in rebuilding Poland out of NOTHING. Poland was invaded during the war three times and left nearly deprived of everything, machines, food, horses, cows, many houses destroyed, etc. We get no indemnity of any sort and so have to build everything with the hardest labor imaginable. We are also hampered by three doctrinal psychologies of the older generation (Russian, German, and Austrian) which seems to be a very serious handicap. They try to eliminate that by changing the older officers for younger who are trained in Polish doctrines. It is an infernal and slow work.  
Outside of these miracles of work and organization the place is a tragic one. No one speak[s] loud, or smiles, children do not smile even, it seems that this war and the hardships have entirely ruined the nerves of the country. It is simply pathetic and once more it is proven that human nerves can only stand so much and no more. My family has been nearly entirely wiped off. Either sudden death (mostly heart) or entirely ruined. We have lost about 3/4 of our fortune but some is still left although extremely badly managed and giving very little income.  
Whomever I touch of my generation or the older generation their nerves are nearly entirely shattered. There is nothing to talk about with them. But they have done wonders of work and organization just the same! I did not realize how sufferings literally annihilate not only individuals but even nations. (7) 

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
1. “Notes”, Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society, No. 35, Vol. 4 (July-August 1929), p. 583. http://www.ams.org/journals/bull/1929-35-04/S0002-9904-1929-04782-7/S0002-9904-1929-04782-7.pdf (accessed 1/26/2011). 

2. Korzybski 1947, p. 272. 

3. AK to MEK., 9/5/1929. AKDA 28.50. 

4. AK to MEK, 9/9/1929. AKDA 28.48.

5. AK to MEK, 9/5/1929. AKDA 28.50. 

6. AK to MEK, 9/18/1929. AKDA 28.44. 

7. AK to C.J. Keyser, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.316.



Saturday, December 20, 2014

Chapter 35 - Zero Hour

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Despite whatever relief Korzybski may have felt, the effort to wrap up the first draft of the book had worn him out. At the end of December, he had ‘joked’ in a letter to Roy Haywood, “[I] work like an idiot and curse California for a rest. ‘Is’ of identity or not, it is a damned place in all respects.”(1) 

By the beginning of March 1929, he had completed the manuscript. He planned to leave in a couple of weeks. He had arranged to give a few lectures in California before traveling on to Kansas City, Missouri to join Mira, who had been visiting her sisters at Amy’s farm. Then he got disturbing news. Mira had been having health problems. He might have to leave at once.

But on March 3, she sent a night letter reassuring him that, although she had sciatica, he was not to worry or rush. Alfred decided to follow through with his plans. He packed up and a week later left the Pasadena cottage and went to Los Angeles for a few days, where he gave a talk to an abnormal psychology class at the University of Southern California. Then he went to Berkeley to lecture at the (Cora) Williams Institute. From there he took the train to Misery—as Alfred jokingly spelled it—arriving a day or two later. He got a shock when he saw Mira, who looked worn and had lost weight.

Sometime in February at the farm, she had slept with a hot water bottle to stay warm and had accidentally burned her leg. Although the burn itself did not seem severe, severe leg pain—labeled “sciatica”—had followed. Mira wasn’t eating much, had lost sixteen pounds, and felt weak. Whatever had set it off, the pain together with the associated symptoms seemed rather puzzling. Alfred was not beyond wondering about a psychological component to Mira’s distress. They had been separated for a year, during which time Mira had been suffering from hard-to-pin-down feelings of malaise. While working in Cleveland in 1928, she had gone to the Cleveland Clinic for a check-up. The findings were not clear. She had been earning a lot of money but found it a strain to hunt for painting commissions. To Alfred she seemed generally ‘nervous’ and overwrought. He wondered about the effect of menopause now that she was over fifty.

They decided to carry on with their previously set plans. Alfred got a last minute invitation to speak at the Kansas City, Missouri Young Men’s/Young Women’s Hebrew Association (YM/YWHA) on April 1. His two-part lecture on “Time-Binding” and “An Introduction to Sanity” was preceded by a dinner. The Jewish community of Kansas City appeared eager to hear him. An article duplicated in two Jewish newspapers before the talk noted: “During the World War, Korzybski enlisted in the Russian Army and was placed in a position where he succeeded in rendering service of inestimable value to hundreds of Polish Jews who were brought before him for trial on the flimsiest of charges. He is an outspoken Zionist.”(2) Alfred, in turn, also felt eager to speak to the Jewish group. Before the talk he wrote to Rainich, “I am extremely pleased and flattered by the invitation of the Zionists to lecture to them.”(3)

The Kansas City Times covered in detail the YM/WHA lecture as well as an informal talk he had given a few days earlier at the home of Mr. and Mrs. J. T. Cameron, where he and Mira were staying. The article on that presentation indicates that by this time, Korzybski had brought in the map/territory analogy, one of the main unifying formulations of his non-aristotelian system, to talk about different forms of representation and language:
“…Is this map of the United States the United States? No. If it were correct would it be the United States? No. This is the human mind, this map, full of representations. What if New York came between Chicago and Kansas City on this map? Would it be a correct representation? No. But we would believe it.” [Ending this quote from Korzybski’s talk, the reporter added “And the map of the human mind seems full of misrepresentations.”]
As often happened, Alfred entranced the reporter and others in his audience with his dynamic presentation style:
Euclid and Newton have struck out. Einstein threw a curve. And now—one, two, three, simple as that—out goes Aristotle, the Babe Ruth of philosophy. Count Alfred Korzybski is in the box. No curves. No slow balls. Simple, direct, fast ones from the long arm of his genius. One, two, three… 
To compare Count Korzybski, engineer and mathematician, to a baseball pitcher is at once an affront and a compliment to his genius. See him in action. He watches all bases and keeps his eye on the home plate. He dramatizes his pitching, as a pitcher does. Finding words inadequate, he talks about chairs, with the leaves of a potted plant, with bits of paper, with his arms, legs, eyes—and last, his lips. Words? Blah! Logic? Phooey! Juggling bubbles, that is talk. (4) 
Pages from Alfred Korzybski Scrapbook -
 3.320 in AK Digital Archives

From Kansas City, the Korzybskis went to Chicago for a few days, where Alfred gave another talk, “An Introduction to a Theory of Sanity”, at the Institute of Juvenile Research, then at the University of Chicago. Afterwards, they saw Mira’s good friend, the sculptress Tennessee Mitchell Anderson who was living in the city. Tennessee, ex-wife of author Sherwood Anderson, introduced Alfred to an acquaintence of hers, Douglas Gordon Campbell, a young Canadian M.D. interested in becoming a psychiatrist. In 1924, attending the British Association of Science annual meeting in Toronto, Campbell had heard Korzybski’s presentation at the concurrent International Mathematical Congress. At the time, Korzybski’s theory of time-binding and the time-binding differential/anthropometer didn’t have much significance for Campbell. Nonetheless, now, Alfred invited him back to his hotel room and they talked for hours. Campbell was planning to travel with his wife to Europe in the fall and Korzybski invited him to write if he wanted to follow up on their discussion. The young physician—now intrigued—did write. Their ensuing relationship would become an important one for both men.

From Chicago, Alfred and Mira went on to Washington, D.C. Alfred likely used some of his medical connections to get Mira admitted to the Johns Hopkins University Hospital in Baltimore where, by the end of April, she was feeling much better. With Mira safely ensconced in the hospital, Alfred stayed in Washington and conferred with Philip Graven.

In the second “Time-Binding” paper, Alfred had already recognized that the confusion of orders of abstractions, which caused such problems in scientific formulating (most obviously in the form of objectification of higher-order abstractions), formed the ‘cognitive’ background of mental illness as well. In writing his book, the relation between science/mathematics and sanity had become even more apparent. Indeed, he had changed the working title to Time-Binding: An Introduction to a Theory of Sanity. In the continuum going from ‘sanity’ to ‘unsanity’ to ‘insanity’—objectifications, illusions, delusions, and hallucinations all clearly seemed to involve greater and greater degrees of confused abstracting, i.e. the reversal of “the natural order of evaluation”.

Thus Graven’s application of non-aristotelian, extensional methods to his psychiatric patients seemed more crucial than ever to Alfred. He anticipated that Graven’s case studies would form a valuable appendix to the book and urged him to get over his reluctance to write. But Graven seemed unable to do so. Over the next few years as the book got closer to publication, his inability to write would become a growing source of frustration for Alfred.

While Graven was looking through Alfred’s completed draft, Alfred had begun to read Graven’s copy of Ivan Pavlov’s Conditioned Reflexes, translated by Anrep, which he immediately saw as fundamental to his own work. He would soon get his own copy, as well as a copy of Pavlov’s recently published Lectures on Conditioned Reflexes. In early 1931, he would also meet the translator of this second book, Dr. W. Horsley Gantt, who had worked with Pavlov in Russia and was just in the process of founding a Pavlovian Laboratory at the Johns Hopkins Medical School. Despite the fact that Korzybski did not reject the data of introspection, he admired Pavlov’s efforts to achieve understanding of the ‘mental’ field on an ‘objective’, physiological basis. Pavlov’s experiments showed how changes in ‘order’ and ‘delay’ of stimuli—both internal and external—could affect the behavior of organisms. As Alfred put it later, “Stimuli are never ‘simple’ and of necessity involve fourfold space-time structure and order.”(5) It seemed to Alfred that his own work on orders of abstractions extended, and was also corroborated by, Pavlov’s discoveries.

In May, Mira felt better enough to return to Kansas City to complete some business—although she still looked too thin to Alfred. Alfred returned by himself to the apartment in Brooklyn. It had been vacant since Mira had left on her travels the previous summer. The dust had been gathering and it took him several weeks to get the place cleaned, to unpack, and to begin to figure out what he needed to do to get the book in shape for publication.

In April, he had written to David Fairchild, “the d…d [damned] book is finished”(6), blithely estimating that it might take just a few more months to get it into shape for publication. But it must have dawned on him fairly quickly, it was going to take more time. For one thing, he felt he was going to have to write another chapter about Pavlov’s work. In addition, in Pasadena he had begun reading the first two volumes of Jerome Alexander’s encyclopedic Colloid Chemistry. For Alfred, the behavior of colloids appeared to provide a plausible physico-chemical basis for explaining mind-body relationships. He felt impelled to bring that into the book as well. Aside from that, although he felt generally satisfied with the draft, somehow his non-aristotelian system still seemed to be missing something. He wanted to get more reactions from his manuscript readers, including Mira. Could he make the book more readable and better organized? So, in actuality the “d…d book” seemed far from finished. This all meant more delay, which he regretted but could do little about except to continue plugging away. (As it turned out, ‘a few more months’ would turn into four more years of grinding labor.) He hoped the end result would be worth the effort.

Alfred also took time to go over his and Mira’s finances for the last year. He estimated Mira had earned something like $100,000, over the course of their married life. 1928 had been an especially good year in earnings for her. Yet they had very little to show for it. He had tried his best to function as Mira’s manager and advisor, but seeing the figures, he felt truly devastated; it seemed to him he had significantly failed. On May 21, he wrote to Mira:
My dearest one:  
Today I went over our bills. In 1928 you earned no more and no less than 16,000 (sixteen thousand dollars). I spent for a year, travel, and book[s] and my living expenses 1600, you gave Tennessee [Anderson] 500, Mother 500, Amy 500. We have in the Bank 3300 altogether 6400 so you spent in this one year alone over 10,000 dollars with all these months on the farm etc. 
I enclose a bill.  
I frankly admit that I am heartbroken and begin to have no doubt that you do not care for me as a wife should care for a husband, otherwise you simply could not throw away money like a drunken sailor. Our devotion is measured by what we are willing to do for the other fellow. I do not deny that perhaps you care for me as much as for your monkey [Mira had a pet monkey she was keeping at her sister’s farm] or cat or some thing of this sort until my chloroform time comes, but no doubt you are not willing to sacrifice any of your fancies for our future independence. In fact I have given up everything I have for you and slave at my work simply to please you. I am very deeply unhappy and terribly lonesome having nobody in this world who would help me a little even. You can see clearly from the bills that my living expenses which you supply at present are not a problem to worry about, I can earn that much any old way. Your working away from me is a serious hardship for me and your throwing away money all the time makes you work the harder for nothing because very little is left out of it. Your whole help to me as you know is very little, your real help would be if you would not throw away money and we would go to Europe with some cash which when invested in our property or something else would establish us in independence.  
Now you are not willing for one minute to take this one big help seriously, throwing money away all the time we are in messes all the time and I suffer more than I can tell you (I hate dramas so will not speak about it more). 
You know that I suffer by your being so cold toward me but your monetary behavior shows clearly that you do not care for me, and either do not see the hell I am in, or you see it and completely disregard it. I did not nag you, you are alone again with more chances to paralyze our future by throwing away money and staying away to make it, to throw it away again. Nagging on my part won’t do, I am also unable to look after every penny you throw away. You always must carry full pockets of money with you and let them go.  
The issues dearest are much more serious than you think. I am unable to tell you that in letters, but I am literally heart broken because you have proven over and over again that you do not care for me. I am a plaything for you, a monkey or myself is good enough to draw some exhibitionistic attention to yourself. But you will not sacrifice any of your fancies for OUR future. No matter how little I spend I suffer deeply under our conditions and your behavior keeps us perfectly paralyzed and unsettled. I cannot write any more. I feel too unhappy, and too harassed by everything. (7)  
Mira wrote back a few days later. She already felt distraught because her monkey had been sick and just died in her arms. She couldn’t disagree with the facts Alfred had pointed out about her spending habits. She wrote, “I had the sloppiest influence of a vagabond life [and] most demoralizing influence of a highly fluctuating income…” But she was working at doing better. And she vigorously protested the implication that she did not care for him. Alfred’s love and the success of his work had the highest importance in her life: 
I recognize your patient pains are the most difficult pains for you to bear – I can only beg you to recognize my growing pains are the most difficult pains for me to bear and keep up my fighting courage [and] cheerfulness – against the odds of our life – if there are minor parts of my character and temperament -– that leave you hungry in spots – remember there are minor parts in your character [and] Temperament that leave me hungry – Figuratively speaking [in terms of military combat] we are passing through the “zero hour” – of “going over the top”…I implore you to have more patient faith in me. (8) 
Over the next few weeks their letters back and forth had a notably blunt honesty. Ultimately each wanted to resolve their problems of mutual adjustment. By the time Mira got back to Brooklyn in mid-June, they seemed reconciled. And Mira did do better over the next few years. The ensuing severe depression in the U.S. and world economy may have helped her to focus and economize—they would have no money to spare for any frivolous spending. Mira concentrated a major part of her time and attention on helping Alfred produce the book. As she said, they had reached “the zero hour”. They did—as she wrote—‘go over the top’ together. Korzybski clearly would not and could not have produced what became his magnum opus without Mira. She wanted it—in a way—more than he did. She had urged him to develop his system from its inception in the notion of time-binding. She had financed his work to a significant degree. Over the next few years, her efforts with him to get the book into print became nothing less than “heroic”.

It would seem natural for Korzybski to have two of his biggest past supporters, Keyser and Polakov, look at his draft. However, both men had major new developments in their lives that precluded spending much time then with his manuscript. Keyser, although now retired from teaching, was busy writing his own books. (His latest, The Pastures of Wonder, had just been published.) He was also busy with his personal life—he had just gotten married again. Sarah Keyser, a former pupil much younger than her new husband, taught mathematics at a private school in New York City. Alfred decided not to impose on his mentor’s time and energy until the book had reached a more completed form.

Polakov also had little time to spare. He too had met a younger woman, a dancer, whom he was planning to marry soon. He was also getting involved in a new business venture. Ironically, the Soviet government—now under Stalin’s brutal fist—was hiring a number of U.S. ‘capitalist’ companies to help industrial development in the ‘communist’ state. Soviet planners had a special interest in H. L. Gantt’s approach to scientific management. Since Walter qualified as one of the world’s leading experts in it, the Supreme Council of the National Economy hired him to lend his expertise toward implementing the Soviet Union’s Five Year Plan. At the end of 1929, Polakov and his new wife Barbara would arrive in Russia. (Around this time, Stalin was initiating the forced collectivization of Soviet agriculture, which over the next few years would result in the deportation and starvation of millions of Russian and Ukrainian peasants.) Until the summer of 1931, Walter would naively try to apply his enlightened industrial management techniques to the Stalinist madhouse, with little success. Though he and Korzybski corresponded during his time in Russia, he was not in any position to provide much help with the editing of the book.

However, Russell Maddren—a globe-trotting surgeon, whom Alfred had met through their mutual friend Jesse Lee Bennett—felt eager to help. In California, Alfred had briefly seen Maddren, who had been staying with his brother in Long Beach, south of Los Angeles. From there, Maddren and his wife set off through China and Russia to Denmark—his wife’s homeland. While in Copenhagen, Maddren—much taken with Korzybski’s work—had even attempted to translate Alfred’s 1924 Time-Binding paper into Danish. By the summer of 1929, the Maddrens were back in the U.S. and living in Freeport, Long Island.

One day in mid-July, Maddren picked up Alfred and Mira in Brooklyn and drove out with them to Polakov’s seaside shack on Long Island. They all planned to work on the manuscript together. However, Alfred was not keen on the ‘corrections’ that Mira and Maddren were making. He described what happened in a letter to Sally Avery:
We have been at the seashore…We had in mind to go there when Poly was not and invite the Maddrens and work at the reading of the MS. But Poly came, the place became too crowded so we had to go. We went to Freeport…where the [Maddrens] live and we stayed with them a few days. Mira and Dr. M were reading together the MS., cursing me out. The place was too crowded and I went back to Brooklyn and M. is still there, they are reading the MS. and making corrections and suggestions. I am back in Brooklyn, alone working as usual. When I came back from Freeport I had to go to Park Row (City Hall) you probably remember there is a movie across the post office. I went there. I was too distressed to go home and work so went to see. The story was about a fine Southern gentleman who got in troubles (women, money, etc.) He ended it all by taking poison. This cheered me up as there is always that way out when burdens get too heavy. (9)

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
1. AK to Roy Haywood, 12/22/1928. AKDA 20.29. 

2. The Kansas City Jewish Chronicle, 3/29/1929. AKDA 3.19–20. 

3. AK to G. Y. Rainich, 3/31/1929, AKDA 22.145. 

4. The Kansas City Times (Kansas City, MO.), 3/28/1929. AKDA 3.320. 

5. “Discussion of Mental Hygiene and Criminology” in Alfred Korzybski Collected Writings, p. 162. 

6. AK to David Fairchild, 4/26/1929. AKDA 22.190.

7. AK to MEK, 5/21/1929. AKDA 28.84. 

8. MEK to AK, 5/25/1929. AKDA 28.85. 

9. AK to Sally Avery, 7/20/1929. AKDA 22.282.

Thursday, December 18, 2014

Chapter 34 - "Don't You See The Electron?": Part 5 - The Queer Duck and the French Secretary

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Korzybski had already gotten copies of one or more of his chapters to Bridgman, Roy Haywood, Bell, Graven, Luella Twining, and Mira (and perhaps a few others). But, since the early summer he had been desperately looking for someone to type for him. What an onerous job it would be if he had to personally type enough copies of the manuscript (even using carbon paper) for everyone he wanted to get it to. He also felt the need to have someone check his English to help him ‘smooth’ it out—he realized the book’s linguistic innovations would make his prose seem odd enough without having, in addition, unnecessary non-fluencies possibly arising because English was not his native language. 

When he first came to Pasadena, he had met some fans of Manhood of Humanity, a couple named the Witherspoons, who lived nearby. He had gone to their house several times for tea. Mrs. Witherspoon had writing and editing experience and initially had some interest in helping Alfred with the book. Perhaps she could find a typist for him. But she didn’t quite seem to understand the unusual and difficult scope of what Alfred was trying to produce in the book (something both scientists and scientific laymen would find usable). Beside that, Mr. Witherspoon was having health problems, which began to occupy her attention. Alfred was going to have to keep looking for help.

Another avenue of possible help opened up when he met Dr. Anita Muhl, a psychiatrist then living in San Diego who had worked at St. Elizabeths prior to his time there. Alfred had several meetings with her. She was interested in his work and knew a psychologist and pre-med student, Helene Powner, who might be able to help Alfred in exchange for private classes in non-aristotelian, physico-mathematical methods. Miss Powner didn’t have the typing skills Alfred needed, though she did develop an interest in his work. She met several times with him to talk about her career decisions and health problems. Alfred gave her his Time-Binding booklets and taught her some of the basics of his approach to helping people. (She later wrote to him thanking him for the advice he had given her.) A friend of hers, who did have the clerical skills that Alfred needed, apparently didn’t work out either.

Not until sometime in the fall of 1928 (probably November) did Alfred finally get the typing and English help he needed. Calvin Bridges, who had just come to Pasadena, provided the means for both. Thomas Hunt Morgan had been invited by Millikan to start a biology department at Caltech and had brought along Bridges, an indispensable member of his Columbia University genetics team, as a research associate. (Bridges retained his status as a research fellow with The Carnegie Institution of Washington, D.C.) Morgan, Bridges, and others moved their famous “fly room” from New York City to Pasadena for the fall term. Bridges, who died unexpectedly in 1938, worked there for the remainder of his career.


In 1928, soon after he came to town, Bridges hooked up with his old friend Korzybski who, years later, told of their time together:
…Dr. Calvin Bridges, an outstanding geneticist. He’s the fly man. He was dealing with the Drosophila Melanogaster. He was already a lonesome man and he was interested very much in social problems. He didn’t read much [outside of his field] and he spent all the time in the laboratory playing and observing all the time many many generations of flies, fruit flies they call it in English. It was a very important work and the main point of it was that he took care of them for a great many generations. This is the main point. So this was a sort of sacred work because the flies had to be kept from generation to generation alive to carry on eventual studies of heredity. But he was very lonesome. He was a married man with children. There was a French girl who was a perfectly good typist in English. She did some secretarial work and she followed from New York Bridges to Pasadena. To avoid some sort of scandals, I sort of protected [them] and Bridges who was a very close friend of mine came often to my cottage to advise me and eventually edited the first manuscript. The first manuscript of S&S I typed myself. Bridges corrected the English with me and then the French girl typed the corrected manuscript in many copies. I don’t know, four, five, or six. But it was already written up and edited…(31) 

As a newcomer to Caltech politics and as a ‘bohemian’ type who didn’t seem to concern himself much with the opinion other people had of him, Bridges didn’t seem prone to pay attention to any supposed ban on Korzybski:
Bridges…lived in a hotel on Colorado Avenue [Boulevard] somewhere and he also was all engrossed in his work and reading. He was a queer duck too. Completely devoted to his work and nothing but. And he was thinking more or less the way I did, and we were friends for so many years that he and I were simply like two brothers, and he was sort of a cook. He had some jalopy he bought for $50 or so because although he had a good salary, he lived, I believe, on $100 a month and $200 or so he was sending home to his wife and children. So he lived on actually $100 a month, and using his old clothes, looking like a tramp, but very serviceable. Occasionally he came to cook for himself and me, I don’t know what not. We were very chummy that way, and I wrote originally offhand with two fingers, typing with two fingers the entire manuscript. Then Bridges was reading, I made everything into two copies, so he read either in my place or in his place, most of the time in my place because he had a small hotel room. Because there was no fun there, so he preferred to have the larger freedom of our comparatively larger house. So he spent quite a bit of time in my place… 
I was older. He was sort of my student, so the relationship was not only friends and brothers but also that of teacher and student. We had a very, very pleasant relationship. And he was from a practical point of view very practical, hard working fellow anyway. So how much he helped me cooking, housekeeping, I don’t know, but anyway he helped. When his girl came from New York, the French girl, oh, I had to, oh I don’t know, had to shelter them somehow to prevent scandal. Everybody knew he was a married man and here came his girl, French girl, very expert typist, extremely fine girl just the same. She was madly in love with him. Then there was the three of us. They lived separately, means from me in town, but before they found their own places to live, I sheltered them in my house, being sort of chaperone. So I was pecking with two fingers the original manuscript, then we discussed what I have written without editing with Bridges. Then I began to edit what I have written with Bridges and still a question of English. In many ways, he was not trained physico-mathematically, and so he had sometimes objections through not understanding the physico-mathematical side. I had to explain them and I don’t know [what] not. And this was a good training for me because I had to explain. It was very, very good training. (32)

By the end of September 1928, Alfred had started writing about quantum mechanics. By the first part of November, he had completed this and all the more technical parts of the book (which eventually became Book III) and began the writing of his own stuff, the general theory of time-binding, which would become Book II of Science and Sanity. He found that section the easiest one to do but it still took him several months more to write this, a conclusion, and the first run-through of the preface. He felt eager to get the draft done. He missed Mira and had had enough of Pasadena and Southern California.
…After the whole book was edited and finished, edited originally by Bridges. He wrote English phrases. The book was not changed. This is quite, quite, I am quite proud of it, to be able to do such thing. The amount of memory and orientation, all of which was new to the attitude, that all is human behavior, mathematics and physics is human behavior. This was written in this way. After the whole thing was edited, the first editing, it was quite smooth reading. Then I had to, after this was finished, I had to rush East. (33) 


Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
31. Korzybski 1947, pp 265–267. 

32. Ibid., 490–491. 

33. Ibid., pp. 492–493.



Part 4