Thursday, August 7, 2014

Atlas Shrugged?: A Korzybskian Look at Ayn Rand

I wrote this piece many years ago in a journal notebook after struggling as best I could to get through Ayn Rand's epic novel of ideas, Atlas Shrugged. I didn't find it at all compelling as a novel. Her square-jawed, steely grey-eyed, and singularly humorless heroes and heroines had too little human glow and complexity to make them believable to me. It was not her character's seriousness I didn't like but what seemed to me then and now as their over-extended, overly-confident certainties, which reflected Ayn Rand's own views but which I didn't see as so certain. For what it's worth here's my evaluation from 1979 of her views. My assessment 2014 remains pretty much the same: in some ways admiring but ultimately appalled. So here, my youthful review—with some emendation—of Atlas Shrugged: 

Ayn Rand's story in Atlas Shrugged tells what happens in a society when all the competent people leave. Her purpose: to paint a picture and philosophy of what she calls the "heroic man" and of the opposite whom she calls the "mystic". 

What does her philosophy consist of? In broad strokes: in its emphasis on reason, the lone individual, criticism of religious values and social conformity; it has a certain nietzschean flavor which I do admire. But Rand (not only in Atlas Shrugged) lacked the all-important grace and humor of expression and the complexity of distinctions that often relieved Nietzsche's work for me. In a way, her work seems like a shadow puppet of Nietzsche's views, overgeneralized and lacking in Nietzsche's essential saving graces. Indeed, Rand's philosophy has the flavor of the worst of Nietzsche: the adolescent trumpeting of cartoonish romanticism in the most tedious parts of his Zarathustra. 

Rand may have gotten some direct inspiration from Nietzsche, but in an epilogue to her book, she acknowledged her main debt to Aristotle. Her unabashed aristotelianism—and I specifically refer here to her elevation of 'the laws of thought' (Aristotle's epistemology, as it were) and underlying structural assumptions (his metaphysics) formalized by him and his followers—puts her more in cahoots with medieval scholasticism than she would probably have cared to admit and makes her philosophy, though on the surface free-thinking and libertarian, ultimately a reactionary one.  

As with Korzybski, Rand is interested in the question, 'what is man?' [the usage 'man' referring to both male and female humans]. Rand answers that man is a being of volitional consciousness. Matter simply exists. Non-existence is a null set. The existence of living things as living things is not so unconditional. There is even for plants and animals the alternative of non-existence as a living thing. Plants and animals have for the most part fairly automatic programs of activity for their continuation of life. However, man requires the making of choices. Proper choices for the continued survival of a human being are not automatically programmed but call for thought.  According to Rand then, for living things the basic alternative is to live or not to live (shades of Hamlet). And for man this choice boils down to the choice: to think or not to think. Thinking and to think well, for Rand, is the primary moral commandment. 

Rand outlines a trilogy of values for human life. A value consists of "that which one acts to gain and keep", what one holds dear, one's standard of behavior. And Rand's trilogy of human values consists of: First, Reason, the use of the mind to enhance one's existence as a living thing; Second, Purpose, the development of the proper goals for a reasonable life; and Third, Self-Esteem, the confidence one has in one's abilities to solve the problems and confront the challenges of one's life. 

Virtue, for Rand, consists of those sort of actions in which one gains and keeps those values of life. The virtuous actions include honesty, independence, integrity, rationality, justice, productivity. Honesty consists of not faking existence, not pretending that something is so that isn't so. Independence is the insistence on using one's own thinking apparatus to come to conclusions, i.e., "I know what I know." Integrity consists of not faking one's consciousness, i.e., not agreeing on an opposing viewpoint just to be sociable. Rationality is the insistent use of one's thinking apparatus as opposed to blanking out, e.g., depending on one's wishes to guide one's view of reality.  Justice consists of judging other men and valuing them according to their nature, not in loving indiscriminately those who don't deserve it. Productivity is shaping reality, ones life, the earth, through the application of one's reason. 

Rand emphasizes the importance of productivity and it serves as the basis for her idea that capitalism is the most reasonable politico-economic relationship. In this regard it seems significant that she labels the ideal man of her system of thought, the trader. The trader produces things, ideas, with the practice of the virtues in the service of the values  mentioned before. He does not demand that the products and property of another man are his due or that he is obligated to turn to anyone else. His only right is to be allowed to follow and use his own reason. To coerce another to do as he would like is to demand that the other choose between life and reason, which is really anti-life no matter which he chooses. Therefore the use of physical violence except in self-defense is immoral in Ayn Rand's eyes. 

The ideal relationship between people is rather one that is entered into contractually, as serving the self-interest of both parties, i.e., exchange for trade. Any ideology that demands self-sacrifice and downgrades selfishness is evil in Rand's eyes. 

She sees two schools of Western thought that are in this anti-life, anti-reason vein. One, the spirit mystics, are represented by the Church. In this school, the nature of man is considered sinful (original sin) and self-sacrifice is encouraged. The other school, the muscle mystics, claim that society is more important than the individual and that individual desires must be sacrificed for the good of the entire system. She sees a large number of intellectual trends supporting this latter view. The two schools of mystics though apparently far apart are brothers under the skin and have supported oppressive governments since the long ago ages. 

Rand is a minimalist in her view of government's role: a police function should exist to protect individuals from coercion and violence of others. An army should exist to protect citizens from foreign invasion and coercion. Courts should exist where people can settle disputes. Beyond that, nothing else—government should be kept to a bare minimum. So far so good?

Not exactly.
 Rand cut her heroes from a cartoonish mold where, just as with the fabled politician, they built with their own two hands the log cabin they were born in. She elevates to sacred doctrine an extreme individualism that takes little to no account, even scorns, the social matrix upon which any individual human accomplishment is based. Her version of individuality, is embodied in the title of one of her books The Virtue of Selfishness. She has no place for altruism, as she defines it, at all, at all.  

In response to this sort of view, Korzybski told the following story to his seminar students. at his 1948-1949 Winter Intensive Seminar: 
…some friends gave a dinner for my wife and me, and they invited also an Oxford graduate,…very wealthy, educated, Oxford and so on. He was extremely British in what is definitely known—it is seldom believed in America but they believe in it—that’s the British theory of selfishness. And he was nagging me all through the dinner—I had of course to tell them some development in [my work]; naturally they all expected me to say something. Well, I did. He was nagging, interrupting, and I was trying to explain to him time-binding, how we are not like animals, every one for himself and all of that, but we are interdependent. We build upon the work of the dead, and we depend on the work of every one else in our civilization and so on. And I was telling how I worked to get my formulations, to deal with human messes all around.

Then he began to pick at me: ‘why was I so ‘altruistic’, doing all this work for my fellow men?’—I don’t know what not. ‘Oh, this ‘altruism’ would not work, there is no sense in it, a selfish outlook is the only workable one’, and so on and so on, picking at me with his theories about ‘selfishness’. And ultimately I got annoyed with that petty criticism, that picking at me. I just shut him up—successfully. I said, ‘You want me to be selfish? I am selfish! I work the way I work because I don’t want to live in a world made by men like you!’ That shut him up alright.

In a way—this is serious—remember there is no sense talking whether I am selfish or not, because that argument remains valid that I am say ‘altruistic’ because I eventually want a better world for me to live in. But you see the argument: ‘selfish’-‘unselfish’ is actually useless. It is a good place for quarreling. … 
[This quote comes from the CD audio record of Korzybski’s 1948-1949 Winter Intensive Seminar (available for purchase from the Institute of General Semantics) combined with material (missing in the recording) from the unpublished transcript of the seminar.]

Ayn Rand's  downplay of the social, time-binding nature of human existence is cemented by her view of rationality. The essence of rationality lies in submission to the aristotelian "laws of thought".  The law of identity states that A is A. In Rand's words "Existence exists...existence is identity." That is a stone and cannot turn into water whatever a thirsty man in the desert may wish. Reason consists of integrating and identifying the identities (essence or what is) of existence. 

The tool of reason is logic; logic being the art of non-contradictory identification. Contradiction cannot be tolerated. The law of causality is the law of identity applied to action. Any action implies an entity, an actor. The notion that
activity and process can go on in its own right as some modern philosopher suggest is irrational, for it implies that these activities are caused by nothing. According to Rand, there are two sides to any argument, the right side, and the wrong side including the fence straddling side. She sees as fence straddling and denial of the law of identity to find, for instance, good qualities in a rotter. A man is either a rotter or he isn't and cannot be both a rotter and a non-rotter at the same time. Can you see now that Rand follows her premises of thought to the letter. Admirable. But, it is not her espousal of reason, various virtues and values that I disagree with but rather with her characterization of reason. 

I do not deny that an 'objective' world exists, external to our senses. But I dispute Rand's fundamental premise that existence is 'identity' and the role of reason as identification. 'Whatever I say something is, it is not', said Korzybski—and so do I. 

Yes, the function of reason to integrate the evidence of our senses and verbally formulate our notions of what is going on seems very important for intelligent advancement in life. But to believe that we have thereby discovered and pinned down the 'identity' or exact unchanging nature of what we are talking about does not seem intelligent or reasonable to me, especially in light of what is now known in neurology and in physics. The word is not the thing, the map is not the territory. And a reasonable, rational use of one's reason seems to me to require that one always be on vigil against the temptation to identify one's classifications with non-verbal reality. Logic, the art of 'non-contradictory identifications' as Rand puts it, appears necessary but not sufficient as a guide to one's reason. As a tool for deriving conclusions from premises it is needed; as a guide to reality it is faulty. For it seems very much possible that a person can 'be' both a "son of a bitch" and a wonderful person at the same time. 

I have little doubt that Ayn Rand, though an atheist, would have responded to Korzybski's views with as much horror as did the Jesuit professor of mathematics, who met Korzybski at a A. A. A. S. (American Association for the Advancement of Science) conference they both attended in 1931. After Korzybski's presentation on "A Non-Aristotelian System and its Necessity for Rigour in Mathematics and Physics" (published as Supplement III in Science and Sanity), the Jesuit professor, came up to him to protest. As Korzybski later described it, the professor told him: 
…I destroy the very foundation of ‘religion’ and I should abandon it or I will get in trouble with the church and get on the index. Among others he said “You certainly will not deny that everything is identical with itself.” I asked him if he ever heard of modern physics, and as he admitted that he teaches it, I said “I certainly will deny that a submicroscopic process is ever ‘identical’ with itself.” He said nothing to that, but on his face he exhibited the most bewildered and horrified attitude. (AK to William Morton Wheeler, 7/16/1933. Alfred Korzybski Digital Archives, 24.78)

Yes, Aristotle’s logic may still remain useful—where it applies as a limited set of guidelines for discourse. But as the overarching basis for human ‘rationality’ and ‘reason’, as Ayn Rand interpreted it, the essentialist structural assumptions or metaphysics which Aristotle’s logic embodies no longer hold.

To conclude, both her view of humanity (in it's undervaluing of human time-binding inter-dependence) and her view of rationality (with its over-valuing of aristotelian logic), make Ayn Rand's views seriously deficient and unreliable guides to reason or life. 

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell.": Part 6 - Armistice

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Soon after he got to Texas, Alfred met John Wilkinson, District 21 President of the United Mine Workers Union. They became friendly while both were visiting the mines in Thurber. Wilkinson, entranced by Alfred’s lively manner and fascinated by his discussion of developments in Europe, sponsored a speech by him on “The General War Situation”, at the Thurber Opera House on October 28. The end of the war seemed imminent. Allied forces had been steadily recapturing territory in German-occupied France (American forces and Polish troops were both playing their part), pushing the Germans back towards the Belgian border. The government of the Kaiser’s Germany, steadily losing ground, pressed by an economic blockade, and threatened with revolution at home, was hoping to prevent Allied armies from marching to Berlin. It had already begun to 'fish' for the possibility of an armistice with a number of the Allied powers, including the United States.

Alfred had just received a letter from Koepler, his boss at U.S.F.A. headquarters. With coal production high and a possible end of the war in sight, the bureau would be reducing its speaking personnel. Speakers were encouraged to look for other positions and Alfred began to send out feelers for jobs. As an astute networker, he made use of his contacts and friends, who were only too happy to help him. He wrote to Koepler, expressing his interest in continuing government service and asking Koepler to keep an eye out for any positions open. Wilkinson wrote a number of letters on Alfred’s behalf to United Mine Workers colleagues, letting them know that Alfred would be available and able to do speaking and organizing work. Wilkinson also wrote letters of recommendation for Korzybski, which he sent to Senators Owens and Gore from Oklahoma and Senator Morris Sheppard from Texas.

From Wilkinson, Alfred learned about the upcoming Pan-American Labor Conference to be held from November 13 to 16 in Laredo. American Federation of Labor (A.F.L.) President Samuel Gompers and other A.F.L. representatives would be meeting with labor representatives from Mexico and South America. Since Alfred had been working as a production inspector in Texas, he had learned about labor issues related to Mexican miners, who constituted a large and problematic group for both Texas mine operators and union organizers. Wilkinson suggested that Alfred would be the ‘perfect’ person to represent the U.S.F.A. at the conference, where Inter-American labor issues were to be addressed. Korzybski, strongly anti-Bolshevik, supported the organized labor movement as represented by Gomper’s group and felt enthusiastic about going. 
Wilkinson wrote a letter to James Neale, head of the Fuel Administration Production Department, promoting Alfred’s attendance. Already expecting to get permission, Alfred headed on to Laredo. However, because of his constant traveling he only got the letter giving him the definite go-ahead two days after the start of the conference, which he was already attending.

On November 11, on his way to Laredo, Alfred had found himself in San Antonio. It was the day Armistice was declared (although the United States didn't officially end its state of war with Germany until 1921). He was not entirely pleased. This was not the way he wanted to see the war end. The day before, he had addressed an audience of 1400 soldiers at Camp Eagle Pass.(30) 
I was in that military camp delivering, not officially, but by invitation, a long lecture on what not, in connection with this war. We were smelling already that some monkey business with the armistice was coming, I call that deliberate[ly] monkey business. The great mistake the French did, and this was strictly French, they were bled to such an extent  that they simply refused to fight anymore. That was the high command, not the soldiers. Simply a question of self-preservation of the country—they were bled so white. So they agreed in a hurry to an armistice instead of marching in comparatively small doses to Berlin. That is what they should have done. In [the] long run it would have been much cheaper to have done [it] this way. It would have prevented future troubles and eventual future preparations for war and what not. And then the Versailles treaty would appear more reasonable. The Germans for the long time advertised after the war that they lost the war, but they were not defeated in the field. It was not really true. They were defeated in strategy and with ammunition. And they they bit more than they could chew, but the fact that they [the Allies] were not marching on Berlin but began to negotiate an armistice, and the officers and myself we felt very bad about it, very bad, because we knew the consequences. And I remember I was on the streets of San Antonio and talking to an officer, an American officer, when through the loudspeakers, newspaper headlines, came news that the armistice was signed. We both hugged and cried. (31) 
November 11 was momentous for Korzybski for more than the end of the war. He was no longer ‘a man without a country’. In Warsaw, a new independent Polish government had been declared, with Pilsudski, just released from German captivity, at its head. (32)
Korzybski in San Antonio, November 1918



Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
30. "Speakers' Daily Report", Nov. 10, 1918. AKDA32.445. 

31. Korzybski 1947, pp. 196-197. 

32. Watt, p. 61. 



< Part 5      Part 7 >



Wednesday, August 6, 2014

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell.": Part 5 - "Spanish Flu"

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

The first flu case in the U.S. had occurred at the military base of Ft. Riley, Kansas, in March 1918. Over 1000 soldiers had fallen ill and about 50 had died, but this first wave of illness, at least in the United States, soon diminished. However, many soldiers sent to the Western Front in Europe subsequently fell ill and many died, either having caught the illness in the crowded conditions of troop transport ships or in the trenches. Although it may have started in China and was beginning to devastate large parts of Europe and Asia, war censorship conditions had blocked the news of deaths in France, England, and Germany. When uncensored news of flu cases began to be reported from Spain, a neutral country, the illness became generally known as "Spanish Influenza" or the "Spanish Lady", in spite of protests from Spaniards.
In August a second wave of influenza in the U.S. started around Boston, where many troops and sailors had returned from abroad. The illness began to spread to the civilian population. Very shortly, it was raging through the East Coast into the population centers of New York and Philadelphia, although cities like Chicago and rural areas throughout the U.S. were also affected.

From March 1918 until February 1919, the "Spanish flu" would kill over 600 thousand Americans. More U.S. soldiers died from the flu than were killed in combat. The worldwide death toll from the 1918 flu has been conservatively estimated to be at least 20 million. It was the most devastating and deadly episode of contagious disease since the Black Death, which killed 1/3 of the population of Europe in the 1300s. Although public health officials understood it as a communicable disease, they did not know its exact source—an especially virulent form of virus which would only be discovered a decade later. They had no effective medical treatments or preventive measures. The illness came on very rapidly. A healthy man might begin to have symptoms in the morning and be dead by nightfall, drowned in the fluids of his blood-drenched lungs. And the number of deaths seemed to be increasing 
exponentially. In Boston for example, 46 people died in the week ending September 14. 1,214 people died in the week ending October 5. (27)  

On October 4, all U.S.F.A. meetings in the Georges Creek Region of Western Maryland were cancelled. It soon became clear that mass meetings anywhere in Maryland or West Virginia were probably unsafe. Alfred's speaking tour there was finished. (28) On October 7, he traveled back to Washington, D.C. and got reassigned to the Kansas City, Missouri District of the U.S.F.A. On October 11, he took a train to Chicago, where he met with Yurkowski and got the Polish Army uniform from him.(29) On October 14 he arrived in Kansas City where the next day he met Ira Clemens, the head of the U.S.F.A. regional office.  

The Kansas district, which included large parts of the Great Plains and Texas, had not suffered the number of flu deaths experienced elsewhere. But a day after his arrival, 
after addressing one joint meeting of miners and mine operators, Alfred had no work to do. Clemens could not find suitable engagements for Alfred, since public meetings had been banned in many of the areas where he would speak. Since the Fuel Administration was having this problem in other areas where its speakers couldn’t address large groups, it was decided to reclassify them as “production inspectors” who would actually visit mines and talk to individual operators, miners, and small groups. On Oct. 22, Alfred took a train  from Kansas City and arrived the next day in Bridgeport, Texas as a United States Fuel Administration production inspector. 

For the next few weeks, Alfred traveled around Texas visiting mines in Bridgeport, Thurber, Strawn, Lyra, New Castle, Eagle Pass, etc. Although going into the mining pits was rigorous, especially with his lame leg, Alfred enjoyed it. In his talks with individual miners, he continued the message he had developed in his speeches. He also spoke to small groups of 15 to 20 men. In his travels he visited or passed through Wichita Falls, Fort Worth, and San Antonio. Where permitted, he gave speeches to gatherings as large as 150, 200, or even 300 people. Ongoing concerns about influenza in Texas kept gatherings from 
becoming much larger than this, although Texas had missed the brunt of the epidemic and the nationwide death tolls had begun to abate by the first week of November.



Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
27. Crosby, p. 60. 

28. " 'Flu' Cancels Fuel Meetings". Cumberland Evening Times, 10/4/1918. AKDA 1.39. 

29. Telegram, AK to Yurkowski. AKDA 5.247. 



< Part 4      Part 6 >


Tuesday, August 5, 2014

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell.": Part 4 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell."

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

On June 4, while still at his Pittsburgh recruiting job, Korzybski had spoken at an event sponsored by the U.S. Fuel Administration (U.S.F.A.). The following day an article headlined, “Soldiers Make Pleas To Miners for Coal” in the Pittsburgh Gazette Times began: 
Appealing to 2,000 miners employed at the Jamison Coal Company to do at least a part as much over here as the boys are doing “over there,” and asking for steady, hard work as a matter of patriotism and national necessity, three former soldiers of the Allies [Korzybski, his colleague Klimecki from the Pittsburgh office, and Canadian Army Sergeant Major J. Armstrong Young], accompanied by Joseph T. Miller, assistant fuel administrator for the Pittsburgh district, addressed a meeting in Hannahstown, Westmorland county, last night. (16)

Alfred’s speaking impressed Miller, who recommended him to the main Fuel Administration office.(17) Two months later Alfred received a telegram from the U.S.F.A. offering him a job. He accepted and began a flurry of activity that would run him ragged for the next four months.

The United States Fuel Administration was one of a number of emergency governmental agencies founded on the order of President Woodrow Wilson to bring various aspects of the U.S. economy under federal control during World War I.(18) Founded in 1917, the U.S. Fuel Administration had a mandate to regulate the “production, distribution, and consumption of coal, coke, natural gas and fuel products of petroleum.”(19) Korzybski was brought into the agency’s Bureau of Production as a traveling speaker, to go into coal-mining areas of the country and get audiences in general, and miners in particular, to do what they could to support the war effort. In other words, as Alfred put it, to “Buy Liberty Bonds and work like hell.”(20)

http://www.ww1propaganda.com/ww1-poster/426th-anniversary-discovery-america-liberty-day-saturday-october-12th-1918-buy-liberty-bo

One of his first items of business was to obtain a uniform. His bosses felt—and he agreed— that he needed to wear one in order to increase his clout as a Fuel Administration speaker. A request was sent to the Polish-French Army to get permission for Alfred to continue to wear the blue uniform he had worn as a recruiter. But he had become persona non grata at Polish Army headquarters in New York; the request was refused. Next stop  was the Russians. Alfred realized that many people listening to him would probably not be able to distinguish a Pole from a Russian. He agreed to John Willis, head of the U.S.F.A. Speaker’s Bureau, sending a request to the Russian embassy in Washington. The Military Attaché, Colonel Nikolaieff, gave immediate permission for Alfred to wear a Russian uniform. Alfred may have worn it for as long as a month. However, at this stage he felt no loyalty to the Russian Bolshevik government and didn’t want any credit to go to it. So he sought another option. 

Some Russian Poles, who had decided to continue fighting for the Allies after the Bolsheviks’ treaty with Germany, had formed another Polish army and sought to join hands with the Polish-French forces. They had designed their own uniform. This group, the Polish Chief Military Commission in Russia (Polish Army in Russia), sent their man Lieutenant Tadeusz Yurkowski to the United States to work out some kind of arrangement with Polish Army representatives there. According to Korzybski, the Paderewski contingent initially got Yurkowski a salary and then gradually began to isolate him. He ended up in Chicago unable to do anything for his organization and in the meantime working as a clerk in the office of a Polish parish priest. However, by mid-October, Alfred got permission from him to wear the “Polish Army in Russia” uniform. Indeed Yurkowski gave his own uniform to Alfred. It fit him and he became "Lieutenant Korzybski". So Alfred carried on until the end  of the war lecturing in a Polish uniform—the Polish-French Army ‘be damned!’ (21) 


Korzybski's first assignment in August involved attending some meetings in the anthracite-coal producing region of northeastern Pennsylvania. Then he headed down to Washington, D.C. for an orientation with the man who had hired him, John Willis, the head of speakers at the U.S.F.A. Production Bureau. (Willis would be replaced by W.E.E. Koepler in the beginning of September.) A week later, Alfred got on a train bound for Bluefield, West Virginia where he arrived the following day. For the next month and a half, he toured the coal-mining towns of West Virginia and Maryland: Weyenoke, Vivian, Bear Wallow, Eckman, Kyle, Matoaka, Mayberry, Landgraff, Berwind, Cumberland, Mt. Savage, etc. He spoke at churches, Liberty Bond rallies, miners’ meetings, etc. Occasionally he would speak in as many as three places in a day. His itinerary was planned by the regional representative of the U.S.F.A., which had offices in the main towns. 


Stand by the Boys in the Trenches, Mine More Coal
by Walter Whitehead


He usually stayed at someone’s home—for example, a mine owner, a labor inspector, or the local U.S.F.A. official. This gave him a little bit of time to relax and to make new friends, which he seemed to do easily. In Cumberland, Maryland his hosts, the Neuhoffs, had some “interesting evenings” with him. They enjoyed his singing of composer Walter Damrosch’s version of Rudyard Kipling’s poem “Danny Deever” following along with a phonograph record of the song (he would buy the sheet music later).(22) This may have provided his introduction to Kipling, who clearly knew something about the tough life of soldiers. Alfred became a fan of his work. 

Korzybski’s coal-country audiences were mixed and included native English speakers as well as immigrants, blacks and whites, poorly educated workers as well as members of the middle and upper classes. Initially he had tried to give his speeches in as many of the different languages of his audiences that he knew—Polish, Italian, Russian, etc., as well as English.(23) After doing this a few times, he found that rapidly switching between multiple languages gave him a severe headache and so he tried to limit himself, for the most part, to giving his talks in English. He prided himself on speaking plainly and simply with an attitude reminiscent of his days on the farm in Poland:

I was a good lecturer…never appealing to passion or patriotism. This was one of the very important points of my whole work. My lecture was matter of fact, …and if you describe the facts as facts, you don’t need to put any kind of bluff. So I gave them the technicalities of winning the war. If we don’t supply the front with enough ammunition, which means work at home, we will not win. If we do not enrich the coffer of the United States Government then we will again not win the war. (24) 

He filed reports of every meeting. The reports included comments by whomever was presiding at the meeting, as well as Korzybski’s notes. Reverend John Dowling made the following remarks about a speech by Korzybski for the workers of the Union Mines and their families in Mt. Savage, Maryland, on September 28, 1918. Dowling’s glowing praise was typical of the responses Korzybski received:
The audience which was composed of [500-800] men, women and children listened most  attentively to the very clear and force[ful] remarks of the gentleman—He gave us a very striking picture of all the activities of the different branches of the army. His appeal to the miners to produce more and cleaner coal was most effective. The results of the meeting cannot help but be very good. [signed] John H. Dowling 

Alfred himself noted, “The audience was pleased.”(25) A local newspaper report provided more details on this joint Liberty Loan and Fuel Administration meeting: 
The electric wiring was not quite finished...it looked as though the only light on the stage would come from the two illuminated box signs which flanked on either side, but which gave only enough light for one to read the messages on them consigning the Kaiser and his kind to everlasting perdition. 
An S.O.S. was sent out and an obliging miner in the crowd went after his carbide lamp, which in the hands of a man in the front row made a first rate "spot." No light could have been more appropriate for the occasion. Mr. Alfred Korzybski, M.E., who was introduced in the gathering of about five hundred people by Father Dowling, talked coal, coal, coal. He said, in part: “I do not need to speak of Victory, for victory is certain. But, what sort of a victory are you going to have? That is up to you. Let me put it in this way. Supposing ten sons of these men in the front row have gone to war. How many do you wish to come back: Nine, or five? It depends on how many shells and how many guns and how many bombs and how many hand grenades those boys have to fight with. Now all these things depend on coal, first in their manufacture, and second in their transportation. Consider for a moment the case of T.N.T. As you all know it is the chief of the high explosives used in this war. As many of you may not know, it is practically the only high explosive used today by the allies; and it is a by-product of coal. From one ton of coal you get but five pounds of T.N.T. and when you remember that all high explosive shells are filled with it, that the bombs dropped from the aeroplanes are filled with it, and that the hand grenades are filled with it, you will get some idea of the amount of coal that is needed to supply the one important item alone.” 
Speaking in regard to the Liberty Loan, Mr. Korzybski said: “One opportunity which you miners have, which we in the trenches do not have, is the chance to strike at the enemy twice at the same time, once when you produce the coal, when every blow with the pick is a blow at the Kaiser, and again when you take your wages, or a part of them, and invest them in Liberty Bonds. And don’t forget in doing both of these things while you are responding to the call of patriotism, you are doing the best things you can do for yourselves. You are making the world a safe place for your women and children, and you are laying aside something, which you might otherwise have spent, and that is a long stride on the road of financial independence. And above all things don't get the idea that you might be doing more for your country in the army than you are doing in the mines. Uncle Sam wants you to stay on your jobs. Victory, as I said before, is certain. Give us the coal and ammunition and we will do the rest.”


Preceding the meeting at Mt. Savage, which was arranged by Mr. James Aldou, Mr. Korzybski said a few words at the opening of the Liberty Loan meeting in Cumberland. On Sunday afternoon he addressed a large crowd at Westernport at a flag raising, and Sunday evening he spoke at the Centre Street M.E. Church.

Mr. Korzybski will tour the George’s Creek and Upper Potomac regions under the auspices of Production Manager Howard P. Brydon.(26) 

Despite these plans, Korzybski’s speaking tour of the mining regions of Maryland and West Virginia was just about over. By the time he gave this speech, in late September, it was starting to become clear to the administrators at the Fuel Administration: they were going to have to drastically change, perhaps curtail, their speakers’ program. The country, indeed the world, had plunged into a disastrous influenza epidemic. 


Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
16. "Soldiers Make Pleas To Miners for Coal". Pittsburgh Gazette Times, 6/5/1918. AKDA 37.387

17. AK to J.T. Miller, undated [Aug. 1918]. AKDA 32.405.

18. Other newly-formed Federal agencies included the War Industry Board, The National War Labor Board and the Railroad Administration. See Clements.

19. Whatever justification greater governmental control of the economy may have had during wartime, the USFA—as well as the other new agencies—had to deal with a hodgepodge of private companies, unions, and individuals that had various levels of resistance to government intervention in their affairs. The agencies efforts fell short of fully nationalizing the U.S. fuel economy. But among other things, it promoted conservation (the agency promoted the shift to Daylight Savings Time, which Congress passed into law in March, 1918) and fuel productivity and distribution, especially that of coal (World War I-era America was highly dependent on coal for heating people's homes, fueling industry, producing munitions, etc.). The U.S.F.A. was disbanded in 1919, briefly revived at the end of that year to deal with the nation-wide effects of a coal miner's strike, and then finally abolished in 1920. See "Records of the U.S. Fuel Administration (USFA). Administrative History". The National Archives. Washington, D.C. -

http://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/067.html#67.1 (accessed 10/25/2010)

20. Korzybski 1947, p. 191.

21. Ibid., p. 188; T. Yurkowski to AK, 10/17/1918. AKDA 32.380.

22. George L. Neuhoff, Jr. to AK, 10/18/1918. AKDA 32.374. At the Library of Congress website, you can download two versions of the song "Danny Deever", including one by baritone Arthur Middleton that Korzybski probably heard: Go to http://lcweb2.loc.gov/diglib/ihas/loc.natlib.ihas.200031148/default.html


23. "Addresses Coal Miners in Three Languages". Bluefield Daily Telegraph, Sept. 1, 1918. AKDA 32.509. 

24. Korzybski 1947, p. 191.

25. United States Fuel Administration, Speaker's Daily Report, Sept. 28, 1918. AKDA 32.470.

26. Cumberland Evening Times, Sept. [30], 1918. AKDA 1.34. 


< Part 3      Part 5 >


Monday, August 4, 2014

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell.": Part 3 - "Poland Is Not A Piano."

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

His work with Gasiorowski completed, Korzybski decided to enlist in the French-Polish Army. Despite his tremendous energy, he was not considered fit for service at the front. In April, he received a blue uniform (the French colors), the title of Captain (although he was technically a civilian), and an assignment to head the recruiting office in Toronto.(3)

The North American training camp for “The Polish Army in France” was located in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario. The pool of potential recruits consisted of Polish immigrants who were not Canadian or U.S. citizens or who had not already declared their intent to become citizens. As resident aliens, they were not subject to serve in either the Canadian or U.S. Armies and were permitted to sign up with the Polish-French force. Recruiting in Canada had been poor and it was hoped Korzybski might be able to produce some results.

In Toronto, Korzybski had a small staff and a limited budget from which he had to pay salaries, travel expenses, etc. When he wasn't in the office, he traveled throughout the city and province, speaking to church groups, union meetings, etc., where Polish immigrants gathered. Since Ontario had no Polish language newspapers, he also made contacts with the English language papers, writing press releases and generally trying to keep recruiting office activities in the public eye. It didn't take him long to realize the main recruiting obstacle among Poles in Canada.

Many of the immigrant Poles only felt willing to fight—and perhaps die—in France if they knew the Polish Army existed there as an autonomous entity equal to its French and British allies. This was not the case. After almost a year of existence, the Polish Army in France by May 1918 still functioned as a unit of the French Army. This situation seemed as unacceptable to Korzybski as it did to the Poles he was supposed to recruit. They felt that the French and British were simply exploiting Polish national sentiments for their own purposes—so Poles could serve as cannon-fodder for them. How could Alfred recruit other Poles when he himself had little confidence that the allies had any interest in the ultimate independence of Poland? Rightly or wrongly, he believed that Paderewski, et al, in setting up the basic terms with the allies, had—for personal aggrandizement— agreed “to sell Polish Blood to the French.”(4) “The Polish were pretty radical, and they simply knew that the Paderewski army was lousy in principle. They knew it and I knew it. I went into the army to make it not rotten.”(5) What to do?

Korzybski felt if he could get Polish community leaders on his side he would have a better chance of getting the rank and file to enlist. In early May he met with Polish leaders in Toronto. He stood in front of the group in his blue officer's uniform and spoke about the war, the necessity of defeating the Germans, etc. Afterwards one of the men asked a question: "Officer, you look like a decent man. How [do] you happen to be in that rotten army?” Korzybski replied:

As you understand, men, I am in uniform, so I am a little bit tied up to be too frank in statements. So I cannot admit that the army is rotten. I cannot speak about that, but for argument’s sake, let’s assume—I don’t admit it, I just assume it—that the army is rotten. What shall you do? Enlist and make it good.(6) 

On May 12, Korzybski presided over a meeting in Toronto at Massey Hall to celebrate the anniversary of the Polish Constitution of May 3, 1791, and to raise funds and get recruits for the Polish Army in France. 800 to 1000 people attended the gathering. Alfred presided over the program, which featured a band and a variety of speakers for the Polish cause. Toronto newspapers reported the event:
Captain Korzybski opened the meeting with a vigorous speech in the Polish language. He spoke as a man who had a message to deliver and was aflame with the urgency of it. A man of soldierly bearing and intense enthusiasm; the Captain busied himself about the platform as if he was in the midst of a campaign when every minute counted.(7)  
He referred to the days when there was a Poland free as the [old] days when the hand of the Hohenzollern was unknown, when the elector, Frederick the Great, was an unknown quality, and the legislature of the then famous kingdom of the Sobieskis was as constitutional as any in the world.(8) 
Recruiting Poster for the Polish Army in France,
By W.T. Benda [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

By implication, Alfred also acknowledged the negative attitude of many people in the crowd towards the Polish-French Army when he repeated to them, “[E]nlist and make the army good.”(9) Afterwards, he guessed that his honesty here and in the prior meeting with Toronto’s Polish community leadership had some effect on the success of the meeting, which resulted, according to one news account, in two dozen recruits and $800 in contributions for military hospital equipment. But he also didn’t feel entirely surprised when, within a short time, he was recalled from his Toronto post. He later learned British and French authorities had gotten word of his speeches, felt threatened by his honesty, and had exerted some force to have him removed.(10) 

He returned to New York City at the end of May. His chiefs at the Polish Military Commission actually approved of his plain speaking and warmly embraced him. They immediately reassigned him to their office in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to become head of recruiting for Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. Again, with a miniscule budget and small office staff, he began a round of traveling and speaking, as well as managing the office and dealing with the day-to-day business of recruiting. 

Since there were clear stipulations that only non-U.S. citizens could apply for the Polish Army in France, Korzybski had to write letters to various Selective Service Boards for men who didn’t know English. He also had to deal with the problem of enlistees who had deserted from the Polish Army training camp in Ontario. Although he preferred signing up single men with no dependents, some men who enlisted had wives and children or other dependent family. He helped those who needed it to arrange their financial affairs for loved ones in case they didn’t return. He also became involved in fund-raising efforts to support the families of men who would not return. Grim business.

It hindsight, it may be difficult to remember that as the summer of 1918 arrived, the outcome of the war did not seem at all certain. The Germans had launched a major offensive in the spring, which brought them less than 100 miles from Paris. Although their troops were exhausted and their advance was petering out, they were far from defeated. Perhaps out of a sense of desperation, by mid-June the Allies finally decided to recognize the Polish Army as a separate entity. Alfred must have felt some satisfaction when he read the news about the ceremony in France, at which Polish troops under Polish command received a Polish Flag from French authorities, and gave their vow of loyalty to Poland.(11)

Still Alfred remained suspicious of Paderewski and the Polish nationalists he represented. Probably just after the war, during a talk he gave in Washington to some U.S. military officers who wanted to learn about his work in the Russian Army military intelligence, conditions in Russia and Poland, etc., one of the officers asked him, "Is there a possibility that Paderewski will become a Polish king?” Korzybski bristled, “Your Excellency, please remember Poland is not a piano.”(12)

Paderewski at the Royal Albert Hall piano
Despite Korzybski’s success as a recruiter, this attitude did not endear him to the top leadership of the Polish Army, even though his immediate superiors in New York City approved of his performance. At the end of July he was dismissed from his position in Pittsburgh and called back to New York City where he stayed with his friend Sobanski. He was out of the Polish-French Army. The letter of recommendation he received said, “We have found [Korzybski] to have fulfilled his duties with knowledge and zeal to our full satisfaction. He is leaving on his own accord in order to restore his health.”(13) In truth, he had been driving himself hard and did feel the need for some rest.

Not only had he done his best as a military recruiter, but he had made some good friends during his stays in Toronto and Pittsburgh—people like the landscape painter and muralist Leon Dabo. Still in the U.S. Army, Dabo had been to France and had spoken at a rally in Pittsburgh where Alfred also spoke. Korzybski would continue corresponding with Dabo for a number of years. Alfred also became friendly with Pittsburgh civic and business leaders like Judge Joseph Buffington and Taylor Allderdice. Alfred made friends with some of the unrenowned folk of Toronto and Pittsburgh as well. Wherever he went, he could make himself at home with both ‘commoners’ and ‘kings’.

Alfred had some time to think about what he wanted to do next and also when the war ended. The Germans’ advance of the last few months was being reversed. They were retreating from Allied forces. Recently-arrived American troops had joined in the counterattack. In a letter to Allderdice dated July 28, Korzybski wrote that,

The news from the front are truly astonishing, how your boys in such a short time are able to do such a good work, and I think I will not be very mistaken if I say that next spring will see the Allies fighting on the German soil, and finishing this war by taking Berlin.(14)

Likely thinking about job opportunities, Alfred realized he still might want to work in something related to engineering. As already noted, his interests lay more with mechanical engineering and inventions. On stationary and job applications, he took to labeling himself as “Alfred Korzybski, M.E. [Mechanical Engineer]”.

Still, for some time his main focus of interest had been more on human behavior than mechanical devices. His lifelong observing of people, and wondering about what makes them tick, were now supplemented by his wartime experiences. He had pondered a great deal about the sources of the various messes he had witnessed on the Eastern Front, Petawawa, and elsewhere. As in his pre-war ruminations about the state of the sciences, he had become more and more conscious of the ineffectiveness—indeed hopelessness—of so many people’s ways of thinking-reacting.

Korzybski wrote to his friend Sloane Gordon, an American journalist he had met while still in Poland. Gordon, back in the U.S., worked for the Wheeler Newspaper Syndicate. Alfred requested any advice or leads Gordon might have about jobs that could make use of his knowledge of human behavior. He felt an intelligence or propaganda job would still allow him to contribute to Allied victory.

I feel you are the right man to put me on the right road. As you know I have two specialties, Law and Mechanical Engineering, but to say the truth I like better to utilize my knowledge of Psychology and Languages rather than Engineering, and feel sure that these capacities are most needed nowadays. …Psychology is a very important factor to win this war in the cheapest way and this is why I think this would be the most efficient way to serve the common cause. …(15)



Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
3. Letter from Polish Military Commission to "To Whom It May Concern". AKDA 5.122, 32.257. 

4. Korzybski 1947, p. 178.

5. Ibid., p. 180. 


6. Ibid.

7. "Polish Legion Seeking Men". The Globe (Toronto), 5/13/1918. AKDA 1.10.


8. "Poles Determined To Say In War". The World (Toronto), 5/13/1918. AKDA 1.12 

9. Korzybski 1947, p. 181.

10. Ibid., p. 182. 

11. "Polish Legion Receives Flag From Allies". 6/19/1918. AKDA 1.19; "White Eagle of Poland Again In Thick of Fray" by Walter Duranty, New York Times, 6/23/1918. AKDA 37.383 

12. Korzybski 1947, p. 190.

13. Letter from Polish Military Commission to Whom It May Concern", 8/5/1918. AKDA 5.122.

14. AK to Taylor Allderdice, 7/28/1918. AKDA 34.519. 


15. AK to Sloane Gordon, AKDA 34.514. 


< Part 2      Part 4 > 

Sunday, August 3, 2014

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell." : Part 2 - "You Told Me To Make You Mad."

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

After his time in Erie, Alfred returned to New York City. It was January 1918. He had maintained contact with the Polish émigré community in New York and continued to follow the news related to Poland. The previous year had been a hopeful one for Polish revival. Concert pianist Ignacy Jan Paderewski, an associate of the right-wing Polish nationalist Roman Dmowski, had been in the United States since 1915 to raise money for war relief and to get support for Polish independence. By 1917 he had managed to get the ear of Colonel House, close advisor to President Woodrow Wilson. Wilson had sympathy for the nascent national movements forming out of the dissolving Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires. In his “Fourteen Points” Speech to Congress on January 8, he laid out his idealistic vision for a non-vengeful peace agreement after allied victory. The 13th point announced the goal of establishing an independent Poland with access to the sea. 

While this was going on, Polish nationalists in Europe had not been idle. In 1917, Dmowski’s Polish National Committee had gained acceptance by the French as the main representative of Poles in the West. This group had formed a Polish army under French command, and now at the start of 1918 was looking to America for recruits. With some one million Polish immigrants in North America, mostly in the U.S., and about three million more next-generation Polish-Americans, there was a significant pool of men who might want to fight for the allied cause under a French-Polish banner. A French-Polish Military Commission, with headquarters in New York City, was formed.

Alfred had already read in the newspaper about the Polish novelist Waclaw Gasiorowski—who had become a captain in the French-Polish army—coming to the United States in late 1917 in order to encourage Poles to enlist. By February, Korzybski had managed to get a job with the French-Polish Military Commission as Gasiorowski’s man Friday. The writer was making a whirlwind lecture tour through the northeast and mid-west states before returning to Europe.(1)
Waclaw Gasiorowski
Since Gasiorowski didn’t speak English, Alfred’s main job was to serve as his translator and take care of the logistical aspects of the tour, i.e., scheduling, train tickets, dealing with local committees, etc. Alfred found him a "very fine man" although a rather "explosive prima donna”. As he explained:
I had orders that [Gasiorowski is] at his best as a lecturer when he gets mad, and I had orders to make him mad under any excuse before a lecture, so that he could deliver a good lecture. You know “orders is orders” and, of course, I didn’t mind doing that. It was part  of the job. How I managed to make him mad offhand I don’t remember. I remember only one instance...We were supposed to move immediately after the lecture, so I was ordered to get Pullman reservations, we always traveled in a compartment together so of course I got the tickets. No doubt about that. I exhausted my repertoire of making him mad. I didn’t know any more tricks to do…So before the lecture he asked me, “Korzybski, did you order the tickets?” I say “What tickets?” Oh, he was exploding,…“Pullman tickets!” I said, ”Why should I?” [Gasiorowski:] “I ordered them.” [Korzybski:] “What do I care.” He got perfectly boiling mad and actually delivered a very good lecture. In conversation after the meeting, we had to go immediately to the station… He was already exhausted after lecturing two hours in a very strong tension. He asked me very peacefully, “Now, Korzybski, really and truthfully, do you have those tickets? Yes or not?” I said, “Why, of course, I have.” [Gasiorowski:] “Why in hell did you tell me that you don’t? [Korzybski:] Because, Captain, you told me to make you mad.”(2)

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
1. Unnamed Newspaper article on Gasiorowski in Cleveland, Feb. 18, 1918. AKDA 37.378.

2. Korzybski 1947, p. 177.



< Part 1      Part 3 >


Saturday, August 2, 2014

Chapter 12 - "Buy Liberty Bonds And Work Like Hell.": Part 1 - Introduction

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

While Alfred was in Erie making horseshoes, the Bolsheviks under V. I. Lenin had staged a coup against the provisional government of Russia—the “October Revolution” (which by our calendar took place on November 7, 1917). Lenin and his colleagues (Trotsky, Stalin, et al) and followers knew what they wanted— power—and acted ruthlessly to get it. They used the disenchantment with the war and the economy to get enough support among soldiers, sailors, and workers to make a relatively bloodless takeover. 
MANSELL / TIME LIFE PICTURES / GETTY
"Vladimir Ilych Ulyanov, known by his revolutionary nom de guerre, Lenin, inspired a small cadre of Communist intellectuals to agitate amongst the workers and soldiers of Petrograd, today's St. Petersburg. In this photo, his close associate Leon Trotsky stands at the right of the podium."
Lenin immediately announced his desire for an armistice with Kaiser Wilhelm’s Germany, which was declared by December. Although the Bolsheviks and Germans didn’t sign a peace treaty until March 1918, the war on the Eastern Front was effectively over.

The Russian Supply Commission was to be dissolved. Korzybski received orders to return to Russia. Alfred, still a Russian citizen, had no love for the Bolsheviks and no longer felt any obligation to Russia. Neither did he want to get involved in the social chaos there. He refused to go. Anyway, as a Pole he would not have been able to actually return home to Warsaw or Rudnik. Poland was still in German hands, and having fought against them, Korzybski might still have been considered an enemy. The Germans were shifting the majority of their forces to the Western front and the Americans were beginning to send troops to fortify their French and British allies there. The greatest chance for an independent Poland now was to directly help the remaining allied forces to defeat Germany.



Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 





Friday, August 1, 2014

Gad Horowitz on GS and Contentious Politics

"...beware assuming that GS mandates any particular stance on a given contentious political issue. GS requires one be conscious of one's stance as a stance, not as THE ONE TRUTH, and that one do one's best to respect facts."
—Gad Horowitz