Showing posts with label Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland. Show all posts

Thursday, December 25, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 3 - More Bad News

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Mira was waiting for him at the dock when his ship arrived in New York Harbor on Sunday, October 20, 1929.(18) He had been away for two months but, as he told one friend, it seemed as if the trip to Poland had taken 10 years off of his life. And other than Mira—whom he had missed a lot and felt happy to hug once again—what he found greeting him was an abundance of bad news. 

On his desk, among the pieces of accumulated mail, was a letter from Sergei A. Vasiliev (who lived in New York City) telling of the death of his father, A. V. Vasiliev on October 6 in Moscow. Alfred felt deeply perturbed by the news. He had never met the older Vasiliev in person. But during the time of their five-year correspondence, he had developed a feeling of closeness to the Russian mathematician, who encouraged his work and inspired him with his broad, humanistic outlook. Korzybski, who had served as a conduit of communication between Vasiliev and U.S. mathematicians, informed friends who knew of or who had met Vasiliev, such as Cajori, Karpinski, and Rainich, among others. James McKeen Cattell, editor of Science, asked Korzybski to write Vasiliev's obituary, which was published in the December 20, 1929 issue.The opening of that piece indicates some of the main values Vasiliev exemplified for Korzybski—values that Korzybski aspired to for himself:
In the passing of A. V. Vasiliev in Moscow, Russia, the world has lost one of its great scientists, great teachers, great men. To be a great scientist is one thing; to be a great scientist and a great teacher is quite another. A great teacher must ingest, digest and evaluate the works of others in many lines in order to give broad, judicial and interesting selections to students. To be at once a great scientist, a great teacher and a great man is still different—it is all too rare a combination. Besides the requisites for the first two, individual synthesis, a broad human vision and interest, effective and energetic enough to be an inspiration and guide for living and acting, are essential. A unique combination of these characteristics made the life of Vasiliev a memorable and most useful one....(19) 

Another loss had occurred four days before Alfred’s arrival. On October 16, Alfred and Mira’s friend Edwin E. Slosson, first editor of Science News and first director of the Science Service, died suddenly of a heart attack. He too had become a supporter of Korzybski’s work. And he had been charmed by Mira. He would be missed by both of them.

Four days after Alfred arrived home came more bad news—the stock market ‘crashed’ on October 24. The day became known in history as “Black Thursday.” Five days later—on what became known as “Black Tuesday”—economic panic ensued throughout the United States. The Great Depression had arrived—not the most propitious of times to publish the kind of book Alfred and Mira were producing.

As for the book—Mira and Russell Maddren had been very busy with it. More unwelcome news, since both of them—unquestionably strong supporters of his work—had various complaints. Maddren, now back in Europe, had left notes and was also writing letters with what Alfred considered facetious and not very helpful comments, more or less picking at words. At least Mira’s criticism seemed more serious. She had taken an extra copy of the manuscript and worked it over—cutting it up, rearranging and rewriting it. Alfred felt glad she had spent the time getting familiar with it but he felt frustrated by her criticism too.

She considered it “rotten”, “unclear”, “muddled”; he “was not true” to himself. Both Mira and Maddren seemed to have misunderstood or missed key points in his writing. As he told David Fairchild more than a year later:
I was in a very peculiar situation, I was urged dramatically by Mira to rewrite the book, which I knew I could not do, and yet I had full evidence that if my book is misunderstood to such an extent, there must be something wrong with the presentation. Under such whipping I began to think hard and struggle with ideas, formulations and myself. To save my neck I could not see how I can improve it. (20) 

Alfred brooded. In mid-November, he wrote to Sally Avery:
Mira expects to go to Florida in January and so we are working both like hell on the revision of the MS. which means having it spread all over the place, all card tables (3) boxes shelves etc spread and no place to move or write. The main problem is the rearrangement of material, which is a messy thing and requires space and extremely close attention. I really have no head for anything now neither do I go out for a week at a time. (21) 

He spent the next few months ‘delousing’ the manuscript, i.e., rearranging it, cutting some repetitions, and polishing the English. He also wrote the new chapters he had planned on Pavlov’s conditional reflexes and on colloids. He saw these as addenda, which however necessary didn’t supply anything fundamental to his non-aristotelian system. With the new year and new decade, he was still looking for some quality of underlying importance—he didn’t know what—that could supply the continuity he felt but that Mira and Maddren hadn’t seen.

Given his preference for a quiet setting, in December he had an unwelcome new set of distractions to make his work more difficult. His sister-in-law Amy drove from Kansas City to stay with them in their studio apartment. The two sisters soon got very busy with a major sewing project (probably to help Mira re-do her wardrobe since she had remained rather thin since her illness). Mira found comfort in Amy’s presence. Though Alfred much preferred being alone with his wife he had to make the best of things. So he chivalrously slept on the sofa under the skylight while Amy slept with Mira in their bed. To reduce his getting disturbed by the two women during the day, he put up a curtain to separate his corner desk from the rest of the apartment.

The three of them would soon have to get busy preparing for a two-week exhibition Mira was giving at the Junior League starting January 6. He described what they did to Sally Avery:
We had a hell of work at hand with Mira’s exhibition, we had to redowel the frames, do a lot of carpentering and finally the packing, transportation and hanging up is always a very tiresome procedure. We finished all of that yesterday were tired to death and today my sister in law and I rest and poor Mira has to be polite at the Junior League. Imagine being polite for two weeks, that’s a terrible job. (22) 

Though business had been poor lately there was an outside chance she might get some local commissions and stay in Brooklyn to work. Otherwise, she and Amy would drive down to Palm Beach, Florida where she might have better luck getting portrait commissions amongst the wealthy, wintering, northern sun-seekers there.

The year had ended with more bad news when Alfred and Mira learned—probably from an article in the December 27 New York Times—of their friend Tennessee Anderson’s unexpected death. They had visited her only months before. Another intimation of mortality. He was now on the far side of 50. Korzybski knew—if anyone did— that “all flesh is grass.” The draft was done but the book was far from ready. If he was going to get it out before he died, he had to grind on. On the next to last day of 1929, Alfred wrote to Keyser:
We as usually have little news besides working very hard. The d…d book is supposedly finished but I still have some revisions and rearrangements to make. Mira read it several times and criticized a lot, wanting it to be ‘perfect’ and satisfy everybody. It was hard on me, as she asked the impossible. By now she begins to see that. I am already compiling the bibliography and an index in the rough without giving the pages of my book. (23)

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
18. AK to the Gravens, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.314; AK to Sally Avery, 10/23/1929. AKDA 22.372. 

19. “Alexander Vasilievitch Vasiliev (July 2, 1853–October 6, 1929)”. Science, December 20, 1929, Vol. LXX, No. 1825, pp. 599–600. Reprinted in Alfred Korzybski Collected Writings, p. 157–158. 

20. AK to David Fairchild, 10/28/1931. AKDA 23.449. 

21. AK to Sally Avery, 11/15/1929. AKDA 22.392. 

22. AK to Sally Avery, 1/6/1930. AKDA 22.448. 

23. AK to C. J. Keyser, 12/30/1929. AKDA 22.443



Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 2 - The Congress of Mathematicians of Slavic Countries

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

Korzybski’s attendance at the Congress of Mathematicians of Slavic Countries must have given him welcome relief from these woes. The Congress was held at his old school, the Warsaw Polytechnic. He was given half an hour of conference time to give a presentation. He spoke in Polish to an audience of from 40 to 50 people on his “Niearystotelesowy System”(8), which he considered a very clear outline of his work. He tried to get the audience to laugh as much as possible. Some of it seemed to him like confused laughter, but on the whole, as he wrote to Keyser, “It [the presentation] was received well and with interest, whatever that means.”(9) For him the main point of that kind of conference, as he later pointed out, was not in any presentation. Rather it was in the opportunity to meet people and make connections. And, among others, Korzybski met many of the leading lights of the Polish ‘school’ of mathematical logic and analytical philosophy. 
Korzybski (second row of chairs from left, third from right of row)
at the Mathematical 
Congress of the Slavic Countries in Warsaw, Poland, 1929.
Photo courtesy of Robert P. Pula 

One of these was Leon Chwistek, with whom he chatted during the conference. An accomplished painter and literary critic as well as a philosopher and mathematician, he appeared to Korzybski at the time as somewhat eccentric. He delivered his paper dead drunk. A lecturer in mathematics at the University of Krakow, he was among the first to talk about “semantics” in relation to mathematics. What Chwistek intended had more to do with technical considerations of logical syntax than of ‘meanings’, reference, etc. (Chwistek’s paper in Polish, entitled “Semantyczna metoda calkowania” in the Congress program, was translated into French for the Congress proceedings as “Une méthode métamathématique d’analyse”.) (10) But Chwistek’s attempt to revamp Russell’s theory of types struck a chord with Alfred. After Korzybski returned to the U.S., the two men corresponded for several years. Chwistek apparently didn’t think much of Korzybski’s non-elementalistic attempt to develop training for sanity from physico-mathematical methods. However, it was probably through the influence of Chwistek that Korzybski began to use the term “semantic(s)” in relation to his own work, although in a different sense than how Chwistek used the term.

Korzybski also met the logicians Jan Lukasiewicz and Stanislaw Lesniewski, who did not speak at the Congress, and their younger colleague, Alfred Tarski, who presented two papers. These three men had a central place in the mathematical, “formalist” wing of Polish analytical philosophy. “Extreme rebels” against ordinary language, they considered it entirely unsuitable for “the unambiguous formulation of their ideas.”(11) Instead they used mathematical logic to build new forms of logic in a highly technical and abstract symbolism. 

Korzybski certainly had an interest in what they were doing (he would make direct reference to their work in his book). In particular, he noted Lukasiewicz’s and Tarski’s development of three-valued and many-valued logic as an important non-aristotelian advance. But Korzybski, whose earlier writings had emphasized the need for a new logic for science and life, was coming to see ‘logic’ per se—even this new logic—as elementalistic, i.e., too isolated from the living reactions of 
Smith1, Smith2, etc., to remain a major focus of interest for him. (He didn’t denigrate its formal value.) Thus the Polish mathematical logicians, whose work he had only just encountered, had little direct influence on Korzybski’s formulating.

Korzybski’s work appears closer in intent to that of Tadeusz Kotarbinski and Kaszimierz Ajdukiewicz, Polish analytical philosophers of his time who were also interested in the interrelated problems of scientific knowledge, language, and method. In their general approach to language, all three men could be viewed as linguistic “reformists” according to the classification set forth in Henryk Skolimowski’s book Polish Analytical Philosophy. Unlike the more mathematically-focused formalists, reformists qualified as “moderate rebels” against ordinary language: “The moderate rebels do not condemn ordinary language entirely but only reshape it according to their needs.”(12) 

Korzybski’s formulating was not influenced in any significant way by the Polish reformists either, although he at least definitely knew of Kotarbinski’s work.(13) Korzybski had developed his own views independently of his Polish colleagues. “It is quite clear,” as Skolimowski pointed out, “that a number of other philosophers can be classified as reformists. One might even risk a thesis that most of the philosophers of the past were reformists; under the guise of ordinary language, they were in fact shaping their own languages to fit their philosophies.”(14) Korzybski would surely agree with this. In his book he would openly state that “...a language, any language, has at its bottom certain metaphysics, which ascribe, consciously or unconsciously, some sort of structure to this world.”(15) For him, perhaps the main achievement of any significant formulational advance consisted of the language it was stated in.

What then distinguished Korzybski’s reformist program from these others? If everyday language had some metaphysics at its bottom, he wanted that metaphysics to reflect the most reliable up-to-date picture of the world humans had achieved. From this came his need to make a methodologically-oriented synthesis of the sciences of his time. The linguistic revision he was using and advocating in the book (a work still in progress) could help readers to reshape their everyday language and related evaluations in terms of this up-to-date scientific ‘metaphysics’ (basic structural assumptions about the world). Korzybski’s linguistic revision had a physico-mathematical basis without literally requiring one to talk in mathematical formulas. His emphasis on application to individual personal adjustment and sanity gave a unique practical thrust to his reformist program. It brought his work closer to everyday life than the work of many, if not most, other philosophers. Indeed, Korzybski didn’t see what he was doing as philosophy (although he didn’t mind calling it “an up-to-date epistemology.”(16) Scientific in intent, his general theory had serious applications for ‘mental’ hygiene as well as scientific formulating, which he wanted to have empirically tested.

British mathematician W. H. Young, President of the International Mathematical Union, was the special honored guest of the Congress and seemed taken with Korzybski’s program. Young, a big-bearded and energetic man about Keyser’s age, seemed somewhat like a fish out of water at the Congress since he didn’t speak Polish. He may have fallen on Korzybski’s company out of desperation for someone to talk to in English. But he also seemed genuinely interested in Korzybski’s combination of mathematics and psychiatry. After hours, Alfred showed him around Warsaw, including a visit to a famous, old mead cellar (a drinking establishment serving the fermented honey drink as its specialty). The mead didn’t taste very good but the two men made a connection and corresponded for some years afterwards.

Korzybski’s time with Young turned out to be the high point of his visit to Poland. He had found his visit ‘home’ almost unremittingly depressing. He left Warsaw for Danzig on October 2, left Danzig on October 4, and about 4 days later, arrived in London.

While waiting for his ship the R.M.S. “Carmonia”, which would leave for New York on October 12, he had time for more sightseeing:
…visiting different houses, oh, old stuff, and curiously enough the Tower of London, And it sounds so funny, you know, to sit on a bench, stone bench, in the Tower of London [The Chapel Royal of St. Peter ad Vincula] and behind you just two feet away is a beheaded Queen of England buried...Anne Boleyn…And I was so thrilled that I landed at the head of the London Tower because I was thinking then how the old masters of England would feel about [my work] and how in a hurry they would put me in the Tower of London. Just irony. …that fortress is one of the oldest in Europe. Of course, I enjoyed looking at all those old buildings because I enjoyed seeing big hunks of wood where they used to do the beheading [in a small, paved area just outside the Chapel]. Looks so funny, you know, in modern days to see that old barbarian stuff. I had quite a few conversations in London with some important men who were interested in Manhood. Then I came back, also from the Tower, with the same kind of trip back to New York.(17) 
Korzybski in London, 1929 


Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
8. Korzybski, Notes in Polish for his talk at 1929 Congress of Mathematicians in Warsaw. AKDA 34.845 

9. AK to C. J. Keyser, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.316. 

10. Congress Program. AKDA 34.833; McCall, p. 391. 

11. Skolimowski, pp. 173, 175. 

12. Ibid., pp. 173–174. 

13. Korzybski 1947, p. 274. 

14. Skolimowski, p. 175–176.

15. Korzybski 1994 (1933), p. 89. 

16. Ibid., p. 554. 

17. Korzybski 1947, p. 279.



< Part 1      Part 3 >


Monday, December 22, 2014

Chapter 36 - A Short Trip To Poland: Part 1 - Introduction

Korzybski: A Biography (Free Online Edition)
Copyright © 2014 (2011) by Bruce I. Kodish 
All rights reserved. Copyright material may be quoted verbatim without need for permission from or payment to the copyright holder, provided that attribution is clearly given and that the material quoted is reasonably brief in extent.

After almost 15 years away, Alfred decided to make a short trip to Poland. He was concerned about his mother and the family business. His correspondence with her, as well as with friends and relatives in Poland, held discouraging news. While Mira and Maddren continued to work on the manuscript, the time seemed right to scout the situation and see what he and Mira would be getting into when they returned to live there. Alfred and Mira had postponed their move to Poland so many times, one could easily be excused for doubting their desire to return. But they had always planned, and still intended, to do so.

He left New York City on the R.M.S. “Caronia” on August 16. In his trunk, he had his deluxe presentation anthropometer. He surely had read this announcement in his July-August copy of the Bulletin of The American Mathematical Society: “A Congress of Mathematicians of the Slavic Countries will be held at Warsaw, September 23–27, 1929, under the auspices of the head of the Polish government. Professor W. Sierpinski, of the University of Warsaw, is president of the executive committee of the Congress.”(1) Since Alfred was going to be in Warsaw anyway, he would try to attend the Congress and give a lecture on his work, although it was already too late to submit a paper.

The trip across the ocean lasted some seven days. He spent about a week more in London waiting for the boat that would take him to Danzig. In the meantime, he looked up his friend C.K. Ogden. Korzybski recounted, “Ogden took very good care of me in showing me London and all the curiosities.”(2) (I fantasize being in the next booth in a London pub listening to the two polymaths chatting over their pints.) In his short time there, Korzybski also managed to visit some of the old English castles around London.

Peace, if not quiet, prevailed in the port of Danzig when Korzybski arrived there on Tuesday morning, September 3, 1929, after four days on a steamer from London. He didn’t want to get into Warsaw at night, so he spent the day wandering around the town and then took a night train to Warsaw, eight hours away.

Helena Korzybska was waiting at the station with her property manager when Alfred’s train pulled into the station at 7:00 the next morning. She cried when she saw him. Alfred felt restrained, even detached. As he wrote to Mira the following day, “…she tried to do a lot of kissing but I was somehow less of the kissing kind.” The manager took care of the suitcases and trunk and the three of them took a taxi to the apartment house on 66 Wilcza Street:
Three servants were waiting at the door and then started the kissing of the hand. I was forewarned that I have to submit myself to it. I did. Women wanted to carry the big heavy suitcase. I did not let them do it but said that the janitor should do it…Mother prepared for me the parlor, so I will be fairly comfortable. She has four rooms and the furniture of her 4 rooms and my furniture of four rooms so it is terribly crowded. I recognize of course all my things. The servants are fairly long time, the maid is 3 or four years, she had already one baby at my mother’s place, which mother took care of until it died, the manager is 9 years. The other are the janitors but we have not much contact with them. The manager is a kind of a better but no good butler. They all seem fairly good…the girl seems to be really good extremely hard worker and very honest, scolds the manager for mother and scolds everybody except mother. The manager, it is too early to talk. It seems that since I came everybody begins to [behave] better, and a new spirit has entered in all of them. I behave as a family physician, am extremely quiet, and studying, have no special emotions at all. (3)

Except for her gray hair, Helena Korzybska—then in her early seventies—looked much as Alfred had remembered her. He seemed to have first expected to find her physically ill but after a few days he wrote to Mira that she appeared quite healthy (although he did note she tended to catch cold easily and currently had an inflammation in her vocal cords affecting her speech). Otherwise she seemed even more energetic than Mira’s older sisters, who were younger than Helena. However, although he could see improvement in some ways, Alfred found his mother at least as difficult to deal with as he had found her before he left Poland:
She has changed a great deal in the favorable way, “adjustment to reality” which has been pounded into her for so many years [by Alfred in his letters to her?], yet she is as impossibly aggressive as ever and she only matters and her will has any value, her opinion is only right etc. When these things have nothing to do with “reality”. (4) 

He had a word for the behavior of hers he found so problematic—also the term he had used to summarize what he considered Mira’s ‘bad’ habits—“infantile”. In addition, her memory seemed poor. Her meticulous standards of cleanliness had dropped (the dust in the apartment seemed considerable). At this point, she seemed incapable of adequately managing her affairs. Indeed, as he had noted to Mira, there seemed around his mother “...a kind of anarchy, the usual wealthy-poor old woman and everybody trying to get something from such a person left entirely alone.” (5) 

The manager seemed of little help in getting her business straightened out. Alfred found him crude, uneducated, and incompetent. He even owed money to Alfred’s mother. Then there was Alfred’s sister, whom he probably saw more than once during his trip. He had had little contact with her even when he lived in Poland, and now after so many years she seemed like a somehow familiar stranger—a nervous wreck, suspicious of her brother’s intent, though apparently unable to do much herself to help their mother manage the family property.

The property was what remained of the family fortune—about 3/4 of which, he estimated, had been lost as a result of the war. His mother still owned the building on Wilcza Street, some property in suburbs outside of Warsaw, as well as the country estate at Rudnik, where buildings had been destroyed and then rebuilt. Alfred spent three days there and it looked surprisingly good to him, given that it had served as one of the battlegrounds of World War I. As he wrote to Mira, “It looks very cheerful and the trees have grown rather large. It needs money and work and it would be a splendid thing.”(6) At this point none of the property was providing an adequate income. For example, Alfred discovered that while housing was scarce in Warsaw, the government rent control laws limited what his mother could legally collect from her tenants. As a consequence many tenants sublet their apartments to others for exorbitant prices. They were making a profit on their apartments while his mother, the owner, was losing money.

Still, many Polish families had been completely ruined in the war. The Korzybskis at least had something left. Helena wanted Alfred to stay. Korzybski realized he could probably straighten out the mess of family business in about a year. But he couldn’t do it now. He had formulated his work in American English (or his unique version of it) and he wasn’t willing to move to Poland before the book was published. He and Mira had to get the book into print and make a little money first. He hoped they could do that quickly. Then they would come to Poland, and he could sort out the family business—keeping Mother at arm’s length, of course—and get himself established. He could see his work was needed just as much, if not more, in Poland as in the U.S. and he felt confident he would be able to find teaching opportunities. He was getting comfortable speaking Polish again and—preparing for his talk at the Mathematics Congress later in the month—even speaking in Polish about his work.

However, in the meantime, he began looking for some way to provide ‘insurance’ for what he felt was his stake in the family property. He and Mira had given Helena considerable money over the last few years—around 5,000 dollars. Alfred realized Polish law allowed them to consolidate these funds as a loan to give his mother what amounted to a second mortgage. The mortgage document, known as a “hypothec”, would give them some rights in relation to the house on 66 Wilcza. As holders of this “hypothec”, they would have precedence for either purchasing the house or being paid back as creditors whenever the house was sold.

Over the next few years, this may have turned out to be useful. First, Helena married her manager, thus throwing into doubt what Alfred and his sister might inherit when their mother died. Helena also defaulted on her interest payments to the Polish bank that held her first mortgage. At the end of 1932, 66 Wilcza was put up for auction. It’s not clear whether Korzybski was able to use his mortgage to prevent the house from being sold at that time, although he had lawyers in Warsaw working for him. But at any rate, probably as a result of his foresight, his mother was able to continue living there. After she died in 1937, the amount of Alfred and Mira’s mortgage was paid to them out of the sale of 66 Wilcza. This money was deposited for them in a Polish Bank. However, they were unable to collect their money before the German invasion of Poland in September 1939.

After World War II, Korzybski inquired about recovering this money as well as getting compensation for other property he might have inherited. But the destruction of records and the difficulties in dealing with the new Stalinist regime in Poland made getting useful information almost impossible. Most of his friends, including his lawyer, were dead. He never learned what happened to his sister. Alfred had a considerable amount of furniture and other personal belongings he had left in his mother’s place at 66 Wilcza (including the beautiful anthropometer he had brought with him on the 1929 trip). After the war, he assumed that the manager who had married Mother had whatever was left of the estate. All that loss was to come. In 1929, it seemed like a good idea to arrange the mortgage. Before he returned to America he got his mother to sign the necessary documents.

His mother’s condition, that of his sister, and the state of the family business seemed dismal enough. The state of more distant family and friends appeared no cheerier. Indeed, observing his countrymen on the streets, in their homes, and other places he visited, Poland in general seemed like a very sad place. A line he remembered from Zygmunt Krasinski’s work Iridion seemed to fit what he saw in Warsaw—a city filled with “children who cannot smile”. On September 29, near the end of his stay, he wrote to Keyser:
Dear dear Old Man,  
I had such a hectic time day and night that outside of postcards I had no time or head to write. The Poles have done actual miracles and simply I do not understand how they have succeeded in rebuilding Poland out of NOTHING. Poland was invaded during the war three times and left nearly deprived of everything, machines, food, horses, cows, many houses destroyed, etc. We get no indemnity of any sort and so have to build everything with the hardest labor imaginable. We are also hampered by three doctrinal psychologies of the older generation (Russian, German, and Austrian) which seems to be a very serious handicap. They try to eliminate that by changing the older officers for younger who are trained in Polish doctrines. It is an infernal and slow work.  
Outside of these miracles of work and organization the place is a tragic one. No one speak[s] loud, or smiles, children do not smile even, it seems that this war and the hardships have entirely ruined the nerves of the country. It is simply pathetic and once more it is proven that human nerves can only stand so much and no more. My family has been nearly entirely wiped off. Either sudden death (mostly heart) or entirely ruined. We have lost about 3/4 of our fortune but some is still left although extremely badly managed and giving very little income.  
Whomever I touch of my generation or the older generation their nerves are nearly entirely shattered. There is nothing to talk about with them. But they have done wonders of work and organization just the same! I did not realize how sufferings literally annihilate not only individuals but even nations. (7) 

Notes 
You may download a pdf of all of the book's reference notes (including a note on primary source material and abbreviations used) from the link labeled Notes on the Contents page. The pdf of the Bibliography, linked on the Contents page contains full information on referenced books and articles. 
1. “Notes”, Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society, No. 35, Vol. 4 (July-August 1929), p. 583. http://www.ams.org/journals/bull/1929-35-04/S0002-9904-1929-04782-7/S0002-9904-1929-04782-7.pdf (accessed 1/26/2011). 

2. Korzybski 1947, p. 272. 

3. AK to MEK., 9/5/1929. AKDA 28.50. 

4. AK to MEK, 9/9/1929. AKDA 28.48.

5. AK to MEK, 9/5/1929. AKDA 28.50. 

6. AK to MEK, 9/18/1929. AKDA 28.44. 

7. AK to C.J. Keyser, 9/29/1929. AKDA 22.316.